Thursday, November 9, 1972

In the morning, Col. Moy Buhain (aide-de-camp to Speaker Villareal of the House of Representatives whom I had periodically served as economic adviser) dropped by to talk to me about the latest draft of the Steering Council. Obviously, he had already seen Speaker Villareal since our last talk. We were speculating on what will happen to the leaders of the country in the new political setup.

I told him that my understanding is that the President has a timetable to have the new Constitution approved by the middle of January so that Congress may no longer have to convene.

“What about Vice President Lopez? Right now he is in limbo. And what about (Senate President) Puyat? The other senators? And the speaker?”

“Theirs are problems as yet unresolved,” I replied. “Under the scenario under preparation, however, all of them would be members of the National Assembly. And there is a good chance, from my reckoning, that the President might want to have Speaker Villareal be the Speaker of the new Assembly,” I added.

Insofar as Lopez is concerned, it may be that after a while, the President would give up his post as president under the new Constitution. Already he has removed what few powers the president has left in our draft Constitution. Why did he have them transferred to the prime minister, as Atoy Barbero was telling me yesterday, so that all the powers are now vested in the prime minister? One possible answer is that he might then offer the presidency to Vice President Lopez, we conjectured. After all, under the Marcos Constitution, the president will now be elected by the Assembly and no longer directly by the Filipino people.

I went to the session hall in the afternoon. Some 40 delegates were scattered all over the session hall, chattering and flitting like birds lost in the wilderness.

No one seemed to know what was happening. The delegates were just whiling away their time. The reason? The Steering Council has decided that it was not ready to meet the 166-man body until Monday, four days from now.

Now, everything is the Steering Council! The Steering Council of 34 people decides everything while the rest of the 316 delegates are left guessing on what is happening, whiling away their time in speculations and small talks.

Greg Tingson, the famous evangelist, came to me, apparently bothered. He said, “Caesar, you and I profess Christian precepts. How shall we defend our actuations in this Convention?”

I was visibly troubled. Should we or should we not be in the provisional Assembly to be able to do what we could for the people at a time when we are needed most?

“It is apparent to me that this government has cast the die. There is no turning back. Should we not support it, abhorrent though it may be? Because if it fails, I foresee a revolution.” I was rationalizing; indeed, I was trying to convince myself.

“This is true,” Greg agreed readily. “For the sake of the country now, it should not fail.”

“But how can I join a dictatorial regime? I believe in human rights. I just cannot. I have pledged to fight all dictators in the world.” I was getting excited.

But if Marcos or Enrile should be out of power, Greg thought, the military would take over. We would then have a military government. Might not a transitional constitutional dictatorship be preferable to a military junta?

Between the devil and the deep blue sea? Is this now the situation of the country? Our fate is sealed?

The evil wrought on the country by the Steering Council is incalculable. However, be it said, its members are quite frank about what is happening; they keep on saying defensively that we cannot really express our own sentiments because the President wants this or that provision and that his will must be done.

It is quite true that, so far, some of the reforms of the President are laudable. I agree with Greg Tingson that these reforms may not have been done without martial law. But are these really worth the deprivation of our human rights? I do not think so.

It does not matter, of course, whether we want it or not. Martial law has been proclaimed and it looks like the state of emergency is here to stay.

My fundamental grievance against Marcos has to do with the violations of the human rights of dissenters and the creation of a climate of fear all over the land. Froilan Bacungan defended the action of the President last Sunday, telling me that if we can forget our personal interests and think only in terms of society and the country, then the deprivation of our freedom is well worth it.

In other words, instead of being bitter, Ninoy Aquino should just think of his incarceration as the sacrifice he is making for his country? And this should go for all others in the stockades, including ourselves, if we were arrested? Does this really make sense?

But the other problem that really bothers me is the fact that the President has practically staged a coup in the Convention. He has literally dictated some provisions of the new Constitution. This is indecent, immoral. And was it necessary? We have already given him—under duress—all that he wanted in terms of political power. Was it still necessary for him to impose his will on the other provisions? Unbelievable as it may seem, we now believe that it is, indeed, true that he has gone over the whole draft of the Constitution, provision by provision, and made corrections in them in his own handwriting.

Mene mene tekel upharsin. I can see the handwriting on the wall, similar to the one that appeared during Belshazzar’s feast.

I feel like crying, uttering a cry of anguish, like Othello, as he proposed to strangle his sweet wife: “But the pity of it, Iago. Oh, Iago, the pity of it!”

As some delegates were saying, it was indiscreet to have these notes of the President on the Constitution seen by several delegates. But did he even have to do it?

Even Lolo Baradi, a former ambassador and a loyal Marcos man, could not stomach what was happening.

“On All Saints’ Day, during the Cabinet meeting, the President made a slip on TV,” he told me. “He had asked Sec. Abad Santos, ‘what about the constitutional provisions on the judiciary? Are they already prepared?’ ‘Yes, sir,’ was the answer of the secretary. ‘We are preparing them.'”

The President was also reported by Lolo Baradi to have said: “I have some boys who are working with the Convention.”

Ikeng Corpuz has also seen the TV show and he and Lolo Baradi were laughing at these slips by the President. Obviously, Marcos did not realize that the TV was on when he uttered the incriminating remarks.

Moy Buhain had said this morning that he also saw this TV faux pas of the President. Or was this intentional? Come to think of it. Could it be that he had really wanted everyone to know that he was actively interfering in the writing of the Constitution? And thus intimidate every prospective oppositionist?

Ikeng Corpuz came to me and sat beside me. “You should now try to get your economic amendments in… I have read the provisions in the draft Constitution and I can not distinguish heads or tails in the article on the national economy,” he sighed.

Ikeng Corpuz is a good man but he really glosses over many things. He was obviously trying to compliment my understanding of the economic situation by supporting the provisions on economic policy that I have written. At the same time, he is also trying to impress me that he does understand their full import. But his actuations in the Convention have not been very consistent. Nevertheless, we have a certain attachment to each other.

Inggo Guevarra was in despair when he saw me. “There is nothing at all about industrial development in the new Constitution,” he wailed.

I had a dramatic meeting at the elevator with the delegate in real limbo—former Ambassador Eduardo Quintero, who had exposed Marcos’ payola in the Convention and had paid for his honesty by being framed by Marcos. Marcos had ordered dollar notes “planted” in his home. I’m sure history would proclaim him as one of the heroes of the Convention.

He saw me first and greeted me. He was with his daughter, who was obviously pleased to see me. I think they were happy over the fact that I had visited Quintero twice at the hospital.

About five army troopers were immediately behind Quintero, which suggested that Quintero is still under guard or some kind of house arrest. He looks somewhat stronger than the last time I saw him at the hospital. However, like Inggo Guevarra, he, too, may have arrived too late to vote. The voting had already closed sometime last week.

In the evening I attended the party given by Ting Jaime at the Club Filipino on behalf of the Philippine Chamber of Industries for Jess Tanchanco (our long-time Philippine Chamber of Industries first vice president) who has been appointed administrator of the National Grains Authority.

Several past presidents of the Philippine Chamber of Industries were there.

Don Fernando Sison, secretary of finance in the Macapagal administration, greeted me by saying that I looked pale and too thin last week at the meeting at the Hilton. (Ever since I heard that I would be arrested, my ulcerative colitis has worsened.)

In the course of our talk, we heard from Don Fernando that, perhaps, a general amnesty for political prisoners was forthcoming on the 15th of November. I thought that this would be a wise move on the part of Marcos. It would somehow heal the bitter division in the country caused by the incarceration of so many political prisoners.

Marianing del Rosario opined that many of Marcos’ reforms seem to be getting the support of the people. He does not like a dictatorship, Marianing said, but he might even support him in his drive for reforms. He thought Marcos would succeed with his “democratic revolution.”

“And if he fails?” I asked.

“If he fails, that is the end of all of us.”

Even Don Fernando said that if Marcos did well—and if he were to run for election later—he would support him.

Don Fernando mentioned that the President, during the Cabinet meeting, which was televised, had asked the Cabinet members whether the Constitution was already finished. He and Marianing were saying that the President did not hide anymore his interference with the framing of the Constitution.

“I take off my hat to the President,” Marianing said. “He is a brilliant man—for weal or for woe. During that Cabinet meeting, he showed such complete grasp of everything happening in the country. This was clearly shown in his discussion of the problems of each department.”

Don Fernando started telling me his inner thoughts.

He reminded me that at the meeting of PCI’s past presidents last week at the Hilton, the first advice that he gave was for us to adapt ourselves to the situation. Now he is especially advising me to take this stance.

“You have to survive.” He was very fatherly.

He added that this is a matter of survival for all of us, hence we have no choice except to adapt. “Bear in mind,” he said, “that martial law is here to stay with us for some time. I read the transitory provision and it shows clearly that martial law will be with us for many years.”

I suggested that this might turn out to be something like the situation in Spain.

“Yes, insofar as the duration is concerned. It will really take many years. Franco has been there since 1935 but with a very big difference. Franco is still a dedicated man and a poor man. He is a dictator but his major concern is the welfare of his people.”

He stressed that we must adapt and survive knowing that insofar as history is concerned, dictatorships do not really last forever.

“Where is Hitler now?” he asked rhetorically. “Where is Mussolini now? Or Genghis Khan?”

When I asked him how he would have voted on the transitory provision if he were a delegate, Don Fernando replied forthrightly that he would have voted “Yes.” He said he likes to think this is the kind of situation that President Laurel was in during the Japanese Occupation. It is a question of the fundamentals by which one lives, he said. He considers Laurel a hero, not a collaborator; many others were collaborators. He added that he had read the explanation of Pepe Calderon on why he voted “Yes” and it was very good.

He also informed us that many delegates in the Convention, from the time we were discussing the form of government we should adopt, were receiving ₱1,000 each per attendance to make sure that the provision on parliamentary form of government would win.

Really? I never knew this!

Don Fernando said there was so much publicity about people being dismissed from the government for malversing the calamity funds—but these are the small fry. Some people have been dismissed for malversing ₱10 million but the government has malversed nearly half a billion.

“How do you account for the funds? The President has not made any accounting. That is the reason why before martial law Senator Tolentino and others were asking that Malacañang make an accounting.”

“So you see,” he continued, “it is easy enough for the delegates to be paid. There are enough funds.”

He advised me to continue with my journal (this political diary) and have a copy entrusted to someone in case anything happens to me. He said this would not be useful now but it should be extremely useful in the future.


November 2, 1972

scan0067

11:10 PM

Nov. 2, 1972

Thursday

Malacañan Palace

Manila

Met Col. Irwin of Apollo 15 of August 1971. He brought his picture on the moon with the moon buggy and the flag of the Philippines.

Met the Congressional leaders for lunch –Senate President Puyat, Speaker Villareal, Pres. Pro Temp Jose Roy, Majority Floor Leader Tolentino, House Speaker Pro Tempore Jose Aldeguer.

We agreed there will be a plebiscite on my call by decree on the constitution. I asked for their recommendations on the constitution as well as decrees.

And they would all help in the acceptance of reforms.

Signed the decrees on media.

Tomorrow I have an operation on my eyes —


September 20, 1972

 

 

(1)

1040 PM

Sept, 20, 1972

Malacañan Palace

Manila

The two Americans paid to assassinate me were supposed to do the job this morning but when they tried out the guns (even the .22 caliber) they were too loud.  This was explained by our penetration man, Talastas.

They have prepared a Comby wagon, put a hole in the back and have tried to park it between the press and the Maharlika or the boathouse and they can swipe at me at the Pangarap boat landing on the golf course.

I declassified two documents which contain reports of Sen. Aquino to Sec. Ponce Enrile and Gen. Ramos July 27th and 29th, this year which show his propensity as a blubber mouth.

I attach copies of the documents in Envelope No. XXXV-A.  The original reports were in my diary.  Then I wrote Sen A. Roxas to inform him that what I wanted to do in the conference was

 

(2)

 

Sept 20th (Con’t)

v

Malacañan Palace

Manila

not to blame anyone but to break up a “link-up” of the Liberal Party to the Communist Party if any.  I attach this letter in XXXV-A.

I sent a  copy of the letter to all senators because of the expected privelege speech of Aquino copy of which I attach in XXXV-A.

Sen. Perez put my letter on the record.

Sec. Ponce Enrile dared Aquino who had denied his report, to a confrontation which the latter refused.

Sen. Maceda filed a motion to investigate Aquino but he withdrew it when Roxas objected.

I also sent copies of the affidavits of the other witnesses against Aquino to seven senators — Perez, Maceda, Almendras, Pelaez, Tevez, Tolentino, copy in XXXV-A.

 

(3)

 

Sept. 20th (Con’t)

Malacañan Palace

Manila

This afternoon General Staff with the SND and the Chiefs of the major services came to see us to submit the Assessment of Public Order wherein they recommend the use of  “other forms of countering subversion/insurgency should be considered.” This means they recommend the use of Emergency Powers including Martial Law, formally.  Envelope No. XXXV-B.

Then we gave an interview where we kept silent on Emergency Powers but spoke of listing Arrival (?) syndicates in the Order of Battle of the communist armed elements, the Self-Reliant Defense Posture as it relates to internal threats, expenditures, additional armaments and personnel etc.

I was surprised to hear Sec. Melchor say he was now in favor of Martial Law although he was against it a year and a half ago.  And all Sec. Abad Santos said was, Let us not talk about it publicly.

I asked Sec. Melchor to submit a study and recommendation in writing and to prepare to use his American contacts to see the U.S. does not oppose us.

 

(4)

 

Sept 20th (Con’t)

Malacañan Palace

Manila

 

Johnny and I again reviewed the proclamation which we again amended.  He wrote out the orders on carrying firearms and on control of shipping.

While we were working on the list of target personalities, Amb. Byroade called to see me on the conversation I had with Robert Wales, President of the American community.  I see him at 11.00 AM.

I could not sign the proclamation and orders because they have to be re-typed.

Imelda is at the house of Imelda Cojuangco celebrating the latter’s birthday.


January 22, 1970

01 Diary of Ferdinand Marcos, 1970, 0001-0099 (Jan01-Feb28) 47 01 Diary of Ferdinand Marcos, 1970, 0001-0099 (Jan01-Feb28) 48

PAGE 45

Office of the President

of the Philippines

Malacañang Palace

January 22, 1970

I have been able to settle the Senate Presidency at 3:30 PM. Puyat remains and Roy becomes Executive Vice President of the Nacionalista Party as well as President Pro Tempore. Tolentino remains as majority floor leader.

We have organized the panel of lawyers to handle the defense in the protest filed by Osmeña. They are Ex-Chief Justice Paras, Ex-Justice Ozaeta, Don Quintin Paredes, Dean Vicente Abad Santos, Joe Africa and my classmate Ramon Aquino. The offices of Tañada, Pelaez and others who are as senators disqualified from appearing before the Presidential Electoral Tribunal, will be listed as appearing as counsel for me. Offices will be established at the Northern Lines Bldg. Jose Africa will be the Vice Chairman of the panel; possibly Ex-Justice Ozaeta will be the Chairman.

A disturbing piece of news from Joe Maristela is that Gens. Ileto and Tanabe have promised support to the Adevoso Junta in their assassination and coup d’etat planning. We must check this and neutralize them. But I will first personally meet with Joe Maristela tomorrow night.

This is compounded by the fact that the process will necessarily go up if we set free the rate of exchange. Then we will impose more taxes and for the next six months we will not be able to relax credit or government expenses, nor imports. I must increase the entry of tax-free goods into the Free Trade Zone and soon.

PAGE 46

Office of the President

of the Philippines

One of the PSA (Intelligence) Sgt. Retuta, in civilian clothes as a photographer was mauled by the student demonstrators today in front of the palace. No reason except that he was allegedly infiltrating. This should get us some sympathy.

The demonstrators (some ten of them) are still there with their mike shouting unprintable and vicious imprecations at me, Meldy and everybody. You can hear them in all rooms of the Palace except our bedroom and the study.

They want P10 million to be released to their schools for such things like a gym for the Phil. Normal College. These public works releases have been suspended in accordance with the new policy of priorities and savings in the last six months of this fiscal year of P243 million.

We will have to tolerate such irritating demonstrations until we lift this policy.


January 3, 1970

01 Diary of Ferdinand Marcos, 1970, 0001-0099 (Jan01-Feb28) 701 Diary of Ferdinand Marcos, 1970, 0001-0099 (Jan01-Feb28) 801 Diary of Ferdinand Marcos, 1970, 0001-0099 (Jan01-Feb28) 901 Diary of Ferdinand Marcos, 1970, 0001-0099 (Jan01-Feb28) 10


 

PAGE 5

 Malacañang

Manila

January 3, 1970

Some people asked me why I have given away my earthly possessions. I invariably answered that I did not need them but that the people did.

But I have been asking myself why has the world become so vile, so materialistic, so dirty. All is pragmatism, selfish and unedifying.  Why is there no more tenderness – all sex? Why is there no more charity – all malice? Even the clergy has become self-centered. They do not sacrifice for sacrifice’ sake, but for self-glorification like the seven bishops who had their appeal to me published in the front pages of the metropolitan dailies. If their motivation was sincere change, they could have come to me first – but they sought publicity first. The worst part is their premises were all false, I hope, from ignorance not malice.

During the war in some critical phase of a battle I always asked myself what could I do which others dare not do and which would change the tide of battle.

Now after the 1965 elections I kept asking myself this – until I decided that giving my properties to the people was the answer.


PAGE 6

This would be exemplary. No one else dares to do it.

It will change the tide of the times.

Instead of pragmatism – compassion.

Instead of words – deeds.

Instead of self – the nation & humanity.

And I gather this has been the effect in the capitals of the world.

Satisfying but I must exert effort so I am not myself dragged into self-glorification. I remember after the war I concealed everything about my medals. I wish I could do a similar anonymity now.

PAGE 7

 Malacañang

Manila

Finalizing the foundation papers. Accounting more difficult than I thought.

Princess Tarhata Kiram and her husband gave me a memo tonight on their alleged mistreatment by the Phil. Govt. and their wish to deal directly and not thru the Phil. Govt. – as always they also asked for pocket money.

Birthday party in San Juan (Ortega) of Alita Romualdez Martel who is now _______? The Romualdezes who are all on the substantial side all had an electrocardiograph. Poor Dits had a tough time.

Boni Serrano just died from a heart attack. Have to go and see his body in Camp Crame chapel tomorrow.

Had Dr. Chamberlain to check me – all well. My blood pressure after golf – 112/80.  7:00 PM Dr. Chamberlain has been called to attend to Iñing Lopez comatose in a hotel lobby in Tokyo & again in Manila from bypoglycomia (no sugar in the blood). Bad Luck!! He is recovering.

Tomorrow, the politburo prisoners are released. Have ordered that they be placed under surveillance. The Peking-trained kids have organized a New People’s Army in Tarlac under Arthur Garcia.

PAGE 8

Malacañang

Manila

Am collecting the reactions to my disposal of all my possessions to the people.

Some are sanctimonious, supercilious, patronizing (Imee loves to repeat these newly discovered words) frauds.

I fear for our country. There is not one among the younger generation whom we can build up as President. Among the Nacionalistas, Puyat and Lopez are too old, Tolentino has a background of promiscuity, Diokno is self-centered and lacks humility. Among the Liberals Roxas is a weakling, Aquino is a congenital liar, a braggart and a compulsive chatterbox, Magsaysay is brainless, Salonga is petty, pompous, sanctimonious fraud.