Tuesday, November 14, 1972

The Daily Express reported this morning that a move to change the name of the Philippines to the “Republic of Maharlika” is snowballing among the 166-man body of the Special Committee of the Constitutional Convention.

Of course, it is not true that it is snowballing; most delegates have never heard of this move. Nevertheless, I have a strange feeling about this. This feeling of uneasiness has been heightened by my reading of Don Carlos by the great German poet and dramatist Friedrich Schiller. I even saw the play in Munich. Don Carlos was the “incompetent” son of Felipe II. Why should this country be named after an undistinguished King of Spain? They were the Spanish branches of the Habsburg line in Vienna. We were indirectly a part of the Habsburg Empire—of the Holy Roman Empire of the Germanic Nations, with Vienna as the capital, which existed from the fifteenth to the nineteenth centuries.

I do not know whose brainchild this is. I am sure it must have come from Malacañang. But who in Malacañang started this? I would suspect that a nationalist like Adrian Cristobal, or, even, possibly also Blas Ople, might be behind this. In any case, it might be a good idea. Indeed, some 30 of us rather eccentric personalities—I must admit—were promoting the adoption of a new name for the country—Rizalia—in the Convention. Our real leader here is Don Salvador Araneta with people like Justice Paredes very actively involved. As might be expected, there has been a resistance to this on the part of student activists, on the ground that our national hero, Rizal, was an elitist. Many activists would rather promote the status of Bonifacio, having come from the masses. They would downgrade Rizal.

I remember that even the annual Rizal lecture two years ago by Renato Constantino at Fort Santiago dwelt on this. In any case “Maharlika” is a beautiful word except that Marcos has prostituted it. It now symbolizes not only Marcos’ guerrilla outfit during the war but his authoritarian rule as well.

Greg Tingson, an evangelist, is proud of the fact that there are daily invocations in the Convention. He says there is divine guidance prayed for everyday.

However, I feel funny about these daily invocations. Is the righteousness of a nation to be gauged by the number of invocations? If so, we are a very righteous people! But why does God seem to be answering our prayers the wrong way? Could it be that He has gotten tired of seeing us perform the daily prayers recited by rote by a people who do not have the faith of even a mustard seed?

I feel that the ultimate fruit of our religiosity should lie in Christian discipleship, in fighting injustice and oppression of all kinds, in working for human liberation.

“He has showed you, O man, what is good,” the prophet Micah has written. “And what does the Lord require of you? To act justly and to love mercy and to walk humbly with your God.”

One provision that is a distinct improvement in the Malacañang version of the Constitution is the restoration, to some extent, of Pilipino as the official language of the country, together with English. The wordings are quite intricate but, nevertheless, it is a compromise which, at least, puts the national language on a status equal to that of English.

Pinsan Manolo Cruz said last week that this is his special contribution to the Steering Council. If this were true, he has rendered service to the cause of our national pride. I love English and I’m sure it will stay as an official language here, but I would have been very much ashamed if the Constitution should say that the official language of the Constitution is English only.

I went to the session hall this afternoon only to find again the same situation that has existed since Thursday of last week. There is no session. The Steering Council is not yet through with its revision.

This is getting to be an impossible situation. No one seems to know what is happening. Tio Pindong Calderon is a member of the Steering Council but he could not find the other members of the Council. Presumably they are meeting in some hiding place. This means he may not be in the inner circle of the Steering Council.

I asked Dr. Leido of Mindoro what he knew and he said that he was also in the dark.

Later, Vic Guzman joined us and told us that he had visited the delegates at the Camp Crame stockade last Sunday. He said they were all okay, except that Tito Guingona was complaining that they have already been cleared by the military, so why wasn’t the Convention doing something to free them?

This is a valid question. Why doesn’t President Macapagal do something about these delegates? After all, he is the president of the Convention and these are his people!

Dr. Leido opined that it is because President Macapagal belongs to the minority party. Although he is quite unhappy about this situation, he does not relish the idea of having to see President Marcos.

But I countered that under the circumstances it is his obligation, morally if nothing else, as president of the Convention, to take some initiatives. Are we just going to abandon any delegate who may be taken in?

While we were discussing this, Virgie (an employee of the Con-Con) came to tell us that Mangontawar Guro was “picked up” by the military yesterday at the session hall. The alleged charge is gunrunning.

We got rattled.

I mentioned that according to Francis Zosa, the delegates in the stockades have not been allowed to vote. Dr. Leido was surprised. He said that, according to the terms of the resolution, there was no expiry date given for those absent to vote. Vic Guzman urged us to do something—possibly oust the members of the three-man committee?

Even Dr. Leido, who is an old Nacionalista and a supporter in many ways of Malacanang, thought that the disqualification of delegates in the stockades from voting was bad. “We should sink or swim together,” he said.

Later, I asked Monet Tirol what he knew about when the Con-Con would meet in plenary. He said he is not in the know either, but there are good chances that by tomorrow the Steering Council might be able to meet to finish its new draft.

I asked him what he knew about the spreading rumor that the delegates might be ex-officio members of the Convention together with the incumbent senators and congressmen. He replied that the Steering Council had a meeting with the leaders of Congress and that Senator Puyat had proposed that the present senators and congressmen be made members of the interim Assembly with the Convention delegates as ex-officio members. He thought that Puyat was apparently also interested in being the Speaker of the interim Assembly.


Thursday, November 9, 1972

In the morning, Col. Moy Buhain (aide-de-camp to Speaker Villareal of the House of Representatives whom I had periodically served as economic adviser) dropped by to talk to me about the latest draft of the Steering Council. Obviously, he had already seen Speaker Villareal since our last talk. We were speculating on what will happen to the leaders of the country in the new political setup.

I told him that my understanding is that the President has a timetable to have the new Constitution approved by the middle of January so that Congress may no longer have to convene.

“What about Vice President Lopez? Right now he is in limbo. And what about (Senate President) Puyat? The other senators? And the speaker?”

“Theirs are problems as yet unresolved,” I replied. “Under the scenario under preparation, however, all of them would be members of the National Assembly. And there is a good chance, from my reckoning, that the President might want to have Speaker Villareal be the Speaker of the new Assembly,” I added.

Insofar as Lopez is concerned, it may be that after a while, the President would give up his post as president under the new Constitution. Already he has removed what few powers the president has left in our draft Constitution. Why did he have them transferred to the prime minister, as Atoy Barbero was telling me yesterday, so that all the powers are now vested in the prime minister? One possible answer is that he might then offer the presidency to Vice President Lopez, we conjectured. After all, under the Marcos Constitution, the president will now be elected by the Assembly and no longer directly by the Filipino people.

I went to the session hall in the afternoon. Some 40 delegates were scattered all over the session hall, chattering and flitting like birds lost in the wilderness.

No one seemed to know what was happening. The delegates were just whiling away their time. The reason? The Steering Council has decided that it was not ready to meet the 166-man body until Monday, four days from now.

Now, everything is the Steering Council! The Steering Council of 34 people decides everything while the rest of the 316 delegates are left guessing on what is happening, whiling away their time in speculations and small talks.

Greg Tingson, the famous evangelist, came to me, apparently bothered. He said, “Caesar, you and I profess Christian precepts. How shall we defend our actuations in this Convention?”

I was visibly troubled. Should we or should we not be in the provisional Assembly to be able to do what we could for the people at a time when we are needed most?

“It is apparent to me that this government has cast the die. There is no turning back. Should we not support it, abhorrent though it may be? Because if it fails, I foresee a revolution.” I was rationalizing; indeed, I was trying to convince myself.

“This is true,” Greg agreed readily. “For the sake of the country now, it should not fail.”

“But how can I join a dictatorial regime? I believe in human rights. I just cannot. I have pledged to fight all dictators in the world.” I was getting excited.

But if Marcos or Enrile should be out of power, Greg thought, the military would take over. We would then have a military government. Might not a transitional constitutional dictatorship be preferable to a military junta?

Between the devil and the deep blue sea? Is this now the situation of the country? Our fate is sealed?

The evil wrought on the country by the Steering Council is incalculable. However, be it said, its members are quite frank about what is happening; they keep on saying defensively that we cannot really express our own sentiments because the President wants this or that provision and that his will must be done.

It is quite true that, so far, some of the reforms of the President are laudable. I agree with Greg Tingson that these reforms may not have been done without martial law. But are these really worth the deprivation of our human rights? I do not think so.

It does not matter, of course, whether we want it or not. Martial law has been proclaimed and it looks like the state of emergency is here to stay.

My fundamental grievance against Marcos has to do with the violations of the human rights of dissenters and the creation of a climate of fear all over the land. Froilan Bacungan defended the action of the President last Sunday, telling me that if we can forget our personal interests and think only in terms of society and the country, then the deprivation of our freedom is well worth it.

In other words, instead of being bitter, Ninoy Aquino should just think of his incarceration as the sacrifice he is making for his country? And this should go for all others in the stockades, including ourselves, if we were arrested? Does this really make sense?

But the other problem that really bothers me is the fact that the President has practically staged a coup in the Convention. He has literally dictated some provisions of the new Constitution. This is indecent, immoral. And was it necessary? We have already given him—under duress—all that he wanted in terms of political power. Was it still necessary for him to impose his will on the other provisions? Unbelievable as it may seem, we now believe that it is, indeed, true that he has gone over the whole draft of the Constitution, provision by provision, and made corrections in them in his own handwriting.

Mene mene tekel upharsin. I can see the handwriting on the wall, similar to the one that appeared during Belshazzar’s feast.

I feel like crying, uttering a cry of anguish, like Othello, as he proposed to strangle his sweet wife: “But the pity of it, Iago. Oh, Iago, the pity of it!”

As some delegates were saying, it was indiscreet to have these notes of the President on the Constitution seen by several delegates. But did he even have to do it?

Even Lolo Baradi, a former ambassador and a loyal Marcos man, could not stomach what was happening.

“On All Saints’ Day, during the Cabinet meeting, the President made a slip on TV,” he told me. “He had asked Sec. Abad Santos, ‘what about the constitutional provisions on the judiciary? Are they already prepared?’ ‘Yes, sir,’ was the answer of the secretary. ‘We are preparing them.'”

The President was also reported by Lolo Baradi to have said: “I have some boys who are working with the Convention.”

Ikeng Corpuz has also seen the TV show and he and Lolo Baradi were laughing at these slips by the President. Obviously, Marcos did not realize that the TV was on when he uttered the incriminating remarks.

Moy Buhain had said this morning that he also saw this TV faux pas of the President. Or was this intentional? Come to think of it. Could it be that he had really wanted everyone to know that he was actively interfering in the writing of the Constitution? And thus intimidate every prospective oppositionist?

Ikeng Corpuz came to me and sat beside me. “You should now try to get your economic amendments in… I have read the provisions in the draft Constitution and I can not distinguish heads or tails in the article on the national economy,” he sighed.

Ikeng Corpuz is a good man but he really glosses over many things. He was obviously trying to compliment my understanding of the economic situation by supporting the provisions on economic policy that I have written. At the same time, he is also trying to impress me that he does understand their full import. But his actuations in the Convention have not been very consistent. Nevertheless, we have a certain attachment to each other.

Inggo Guevarra was in despair when he saw me. “There is nothing at all about industrial development in the new Constitution,” he wailed.

I had a dramatic meeting at the elevator with the delegate in real limbo—former Ambassador Eduardo Quintero, who had exposed Marcos’ payola in the Convention and had paid for his honesty by being framed by Marcos. Marcos had ordered dollar notes “planted” in his home. I’m sure history would proclaim him as one of the heroes of the Convention.

He saw me first and greeted me. He was with his daughter, who was obviously pleased to see me. I think they were happy over the fact that I had visited Quintero twice at the hospital.

About five army troopers were immediately behind Quintero, which suggested that Quintero is still under guard or some kind of house arrest. He looks somewhat stronger than the last time I saw him at the hospital. However, like Inggo Guevarra, he, too, may have arrived too late to vote. The voting had already closed sometime last week.

In the evening I attended the party given by Ting Jaime at the Club Filipino on behalf of the Philippine Chamber of Industries for Jess Tanchanco (our long-time Philippine Chamber of Industries first vice president) who has been appointed administrator of the National Grains Authority.

Several past presidents of the Philippine Chamber of Industries were there.

Don Fernando Sison, secretary of finance in the Macapagal administration, greeted me by saying that I looked pale and too thin last week at the meeting at the Hilton. (Ever since I heard that I would be arrested, my ulcerative colitis has worsened.)

In the course of our talk, we heard from Don Fernando that, perhaps, a general amnesty for political prisoners was forthcoming on the 15th of November. I thought that this would be a wise move on the part of Marcos. It would somehow heal the bitter division in the country caused by the incarceration of so many political prisoners.

Marianing del Rosario opined that many of Marcos’ reforms seem to be getting the support of the people. He does not like a dictatorship, Marianing said, but he might even support him in his drive for reforms. He thought Marcos would succeed with his “democratic revolution.”

“And if he fails?” I asked.

“If he fails, that is the end of all of us.”

Even Don Fernando said that if Marcos did well—and if he were to run for election later—he would support him.

Don Fernando mentioned that the President, during the Cabinet meeting, which was televised, had asked the Cabinet members whether the Constitution was already finished. He and Marianing were saying that the President did not hide anymore his interference with the framing of the Constitution.

“I take off my hat to the President,” Marianing said. “He is a brilliant man—for weal or for woe. During that Cabinet meeting, he showed such complete grasp of everything happening in the country. This was clearly shown in his discussion of the problems of each department.”

Don Fernando started telling me his inner thoughts.

He reminded me that at the meeting of PCI’s past presidents last week at the Hilton, the first advice that he gave was for us to adapt ourselves to the situation. Now he is especially advising me to take this stance.

“You have to survive.” He was very fatherly.

He added that this is a matter of survival for all of us, hence we have no choice except to adapt. “Bear in mind,” he said, “that martial law is here to stay with us for some time. I read the transitory provision and it shows clearly that martial law will be with us for many years.”

I suggested that this might turn out to be something like the situation in Spain.

“Yes, insofar as the duration is concerned. It will really take many years. Franco has been there since 1935 but with a very big difference. Franco is still a dedicated man and a poor man. He is a dictator but his major concern is the welfare of his people.”

He stressed that we must adapt and survive knowing that insofar as history is concerned, dictatorships do not really last forever.

“Where is Hitler now?” he asked rhetorically. “Where is Mussolini now? Or Genghis Khan?”

When I asked him how he would have voted on the transitory provision if he were a delegate, Don Fernando replied forthrightly that he would have voted “Yes.” He said he likes to think this is the kind of situation that President Laurel was in during the Japanese Occupation. It is a question of the fundamentals by which one lives, he said. He considers Laurel a hero, not a collaborator; many others were collaborators. He added that he had read the explanation of Pepe Calderon on why he voted “Yes” and it was very good.

He also informed us that many delegates in the Convention, from the time we were discussing the form of government we should adopt, were receiving ₱1,000 each per attendance to make sure that the provision on parliamentary form of government would win.

Really? I never knew this!

Don Fernando said there was so much publicity about people being dismissed from the government for malversing the calamity funds—but these are the small fry. Some people have been dismissed for malversing ₱10 million but the government has malversed nearly half a billion.

“How do you account for the funds? The President has not made any accounting. That is the reason why before martial law Senator Tolentino and others were asking that Malacañang make an accounting.”

“So you see,” he continued, “it is easy enough for the delegates to be paid. There are enough funds.”

He advised me to continue with my journal (this political diary) and have a copy entrusted to someone in case anything happens to me. He said this would not be useful now but it should be extremely useful in the future.


November 2, 1972

scan0067

11:10 PM

Nov. 2, 1972

Thursday

Malacañan Palace

Manila

Met Col. Irwin of Apollo 15 of August 1971. He brought his picture on the moon with the moon buggy and the flag of the Philippines.

Met the Congressional leaders for lunch –Senate President Puyat, Speaker Villareal, Pres. Pro Temp Jose Roy, Majority Floor Leader Tolentino, House Speaker Pro Tempore Jose Aldeguer.

We agreed there will be a plebiscite on my call by decree on the constitution. I asked for their recommendations on the constitution as well as decrees.

And they would all help in the acceptance of reforms.

Signed the decrees on media.

Tomorrow I have an operation on my eyes —


Sept. 22, 1972, Friday, 9:55 p.m.

 

9.50 PM

Sept. 22, 1972

Friday

Malacañan Palace

Manila

Sec. Juan Ponce Enrile was ambushed near Wack-Wack at about 8:00 pm tonight. It was a good thing he was riding in his security car as a protective measure. His first car which he usually uses was the one riddled by bullets from a car parked in ambush.

He is now at his DND office.  I have advised him to stay there.

And I have doubled the security of Imelda in the Nayon Pilipino where she is giving dinner to the UPI and AP as well as other wire services.

This makes the martial law proclamation a necessity.

Imelda arrived at 11:35 PM in my Electra bullet proof car to be told that Johnny had been ambushed, it is all over the radio.

 

(2)

Sept. 22nd (Con’t)

Malacañan Palace

Manila

 

Congress is not adjourning tonight as the conference committee on the Tariff and Customs Code could not agree on a common version.  They adjourn tomorrow.

I conferred with Speaker Villareal, Roces, Yñiguez and Barbero who are going to Moscow and they are ready to leave on Sunday.  So they are decided to finish the session same.

Senate President Gil Puyat insists that the next special session be early January.

And they will not be able to pass the urgent bills like the rehabilitation bill.


September 19, 1972, Tuesday

Scan0125 Scan0126 Scan0127

 

(1)

Sept. 19, 1972

Tuesday

Malacañan Palace

Manila

 

Released the report of Sec. Ponce Enrile of Sept. 8, 1972 where he reported that Sen. Aquino had met with Jose Maria Sison of the Communist Party and had talked about a link-up of the Liberal Party and the Communist Party.

I attach copy of the report.

Sen. Roxas had written that they were not attending the meeting.

I attach copy of the letter.

So since I invited Sen. Pres. Puyat, Speaker Villareal, (Sen. Roy did not come) Cong. Yñiguez came I explained to the media which was covering us that when I invited the leaders of the Liberal Party I had wanted a private conference where we could, as Filipinos and for the welfare of our people, agree that neither party (Nacionalista or Liberal) would “link-up” with the Communist Party

 

 

(2)

Sept. 19th (Con’t)

Malacañan Palace

Manila

but their refusal to attend indicated that the Liberals were in on the deal to “link-up” with the Communists through Sen. Aquino.

We also prepared affidavits of the NPA surrenderees and captured personnel implicating Sen. Aquino.

I also attach all these papers.

This morning the Defense Establishment though the Executive Committee of the National Security Council gave a briefing on OPLAN SAGITTARIUS.

This noon I talked to Mr.      Wales, Pres. of the American Chamber of Commerce on their problems of parity, the Justeneco and retail trade cases.

 

(3)

Sept. 19th (Con’t)

Malacañan Palace

Manila

Amended Civil Service Rules signed.

[        ]

Delegate Calaycay with mayor and councilors of Luna, Kalinga-Apayao.

The tension and apprehension are still high.

I had to state during this afternoons interview that:

1. The link-up of the Liberal Party and the Communist Party would constitute a threat that we would have to assess in a new light.

2. The Communists have attempted to infiltrate the office of the SND and the AFP.

3. The Communists have doubled their armed strength in the last six months.

 


September 1, 1972, Friday

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(1)

7:40 PM

Malacañan Palace

Manila

Sept. 1, 1972

Friday

Awarded the Order of Sikatuna, Rank of Datu to the Indonesian Minister of State for Defense and Security Vice/Asst. Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces of Indonesia — Gen. Maraden Panggabean. He looks like a capable soldier and helped us well as cooperated with him in various battles specially against the Dutch and the communists.

He says Indonesia is peaceful but for the 1,000 Chinese communist subversives in Sarawak. He laughingly referred to the 10,000 communist prisoners in Pulo Buro (Island of Buro –as in Tagalo Pulo means Island — and itik is also means duck). A critical article was written a few months ago of the treatment of the 10,000 political prisoners that are supposed to include some of Indonesia’s best thinkers, intellectuals, writers and philosophers who must eke out a living by farming the island in what was described as a marginal back breaking type of activity.

(2)

Sept 1, 1972 (Cont)

Malacañan Palace

Manila

Then conferred with Sen. Daniel Inouye after his field trips inspecting the calamity areas.

He confided to me that he did not merely come to see the damage caused by the calamity but also to see the general situation.

And he will carry the message that the U.S. should pay more attention to the Philippines.

He also remarked that Amb. Byroade has the same thinking as I have on the communist threat; that we should seek the help of friends like Speaker Carl Albert and Mike Mansfield although the latter is against the extension of military aid.

When he asked me what kind of hardware we need for our armed forces, I explained to him that we are actually buying our small arms from the U.S.; that we do not intend to mount a defense against aggression but against subversion and we would give priority to helicopters, mortars and recoil less rifles, and that we are not asking for additional military funds but to participate in the surplus from Vietnam.

He answered that he would do everything

 

(3)

Sept. 1st (Con’t)

Malacañan Palace

Manila

 

to have us classified in the same priority as Thailand.

He asked me what is going to happen. He explained that he has been told there are four options: 1. Extension of my term 2. a parliamentary form of government 3. I run for reelection 4. Martial law.

I immediately countered that I do not need martial law to win an election and that in the present situation anybody I supported would come out; that I would not agree to allowing the First Lady to run since it would be unfair to her. “We are too old in this game to need martial law to get votes,” and he smiled with understanding.

“However,” I explained, “do not misunderstand me. If the communists sow terror in Manila, if they bomb and burn, kill and kidnap, if they use the Vietcong tactics, then I will not hesitate to proclaim martial law.”

“What I would prefer would be an extension. But I would accept it only if the

 

(4)

Sept 1st (Con’t)

Malacañan Palace

Manila

 

political opposition agrees to it. If they do not I will not agree to it.”

“I would then try to be a Prime Minister.

“But I would first wipe out the communists before the next President or Prime Minister [takes] over so he has a chance. I used [  ] to build up my replacement. None of those now are fit to lead the country. Aquino, Diokno are demagogues and are communist. They would immediately set up a communist regime. Roxas is a weakling. He would not risk his life to protect out freedoms. Puyat is an oligarch. He has too many investments to protect.”

“What we need is somebody who is trusted by the Armed Forces, is a liberal thinker, will fight communism and will risk not only his life but everything in this fight.”

“For I cannot believe that Red China can be trusted. She will try to show  now she is house-broken but she will help the revolutionaries and communists in the Asian countries. She is going to try and establish an Asian hegemony or a sphere of influence.”

 

(5)

 

Sept. 1st (Con’t)

Malacañan Palace

Manila

 

When we talked of what I emphasized was urgently needed –reforms, and explained that I would like to have the private commercial corporations give the fringe benefits doled out by welfare states after taxing the big corporations, he called attention to the fact that Japan does this. The corporation is a big family. All the officers and employees are given the benefits that would go to recipients in a welfare state and when the workers go on strike, they were a red arm band but keep on working so that they do not prejudice themselves.

Sen. Inouye will be a great help to the Philippines.

Imelda is busy decorating the Big Antique.

She tells me, San Juan, without the houses is eerie at night –with the big trees. Something out of Wuthering Heights! She was there last night.


February 24, 1970 Tuesday

24Feb1970

PAGE 94

Office of the President

of the Philippines

Malacañang

 

 

February 24, 1970

Tuesday

 

 

10:35 PM

 

We go to San Fernando, La Union tomorrow to return at noon. This is a counter demonstration of the Ilocanos who want to show solidity behind me. But my fear is that they will march to Manila armed and cause violence to erupt once more at their instigation. So I must stop them.

Fiscal Policy Committee with the Congressional leaders met to assess the monetary situation. The Senate President and Aytona was helpful. Speaker Laurel complained that the congressmen and he were not informed of the decision for a floating rate before approval. Puyat understood but as usual the Speaker did not understand the need for secrecy.

Will start releasing funds for the provinces. Priority has been given to the Tondo project. I meet Enrique Zobel on the project next Friday afternoon.

The trading this day on dollars quoted ₱5.70 to the dollar – much lower than we expected. The black market had reached ₱6.30. The persons who face dollar loan amortizations are complaining of the new policy for a floating rate as they will pay more in pesos but the exporters specially those not in the copra, sugar, logs and copper category are cheering it.

Looks like we still have no funds in government. We should now have only one appropriation act to include even public works and capital expenditures.


January 22, 1970

01 Diary of Ferdinand Marcos, 1970, 0001-0099 (Jan01-Feb28) 47 01 Diary of Ferdinand Marcos, 1970, 0001-0099 (Jan01-Feb28) 48

PAGE 45

Office of the President

of the Philippines

Malacañang Palace

January 22, 1970

I have been able to settle the Senate Presidency at 3:30 PM. Puyat remains and Roy becomes Executive Vice President of the Nacionalista Party as well as President Pro Tempore. Tolentino remains as majority floor leader.

We have organized the panel of lawyers to handle the defense in the protest filed by Osmeña. They are Ex-Chief Justice Paras, Ex-Justice Ozaeta, Don Quintin Paredes, Dean Vicente Abad Santos, Joe Africa and my classmate Ramon Aquino. The offices of Tañada, Pelaez and others who are as senators disqualified from appearing before the Presidential Electoral Tribunal, will be listed as appearing as counsel for me. Offices will be established at the Northern Lines Bldg. Jose Africa will be the Vice Chairman of the panel; possibly Ex-Justice Ozaeta will be the Chairman.

A disturbing piece of news from Joe Maristela is that Gens. Ileto and Tanabe have promised support to the Adevoso Junta in their assassination and coup d’etat planning. We must check this and neutralize them. But I will first personally meet with Joe Maristela tomorrow night.

This is compounded by the fact that the process will necessarily go up if we set free the rate of exchange. Then we will impose more taxes and for the next six months we will not be able to relax credit or government expenses, nor imports. I must increase the entry of tax-free goods into the Free Trade Zone and soon.

PAGE 46

Office of the President

of the Philippines

One of the PSA (Intelligence) Sgt. Retuta, in civilian clothes as a photographer was mauled by the student demonstrators today in front of the palace. No reason except that he was allegedly infiltrating. This should get us some sympathy.

The demonstrators (some ten of them) are still there with their mike shouting unprintable and vicious imprecations at me, Meldy and everybody. You can hear them in all rooms of the Palace except our bedroom and the study.

They want P10 million to be released to their schools for such things like a gym for the Phil. Normal College. These public works releases have been suspended in accordance with the new policy of priorities and savings in the last six months of this fiscal year of P243 million.

We will have to tolerate such irritating demonstrations until we lift this policy.


January 13, 1970

01 Diary of Ferdinand Marcos, 1970, 0001-0099 (Jan01-Feb28) 30 01 Diary of Ferdinand Marcos, 1970, 0001-0099 (Jan01-Feb28) 31

PAGE 27

Malacañang

Manila

January 13, 1970

Awarded the Rizal Pro Patria to Don Vicente Madrigal.

Saw Iñing Lopez in the Meralco Hospital. Had lunch with him. Had sashimi and tempura as well as mizuno and Japanese melon. He is disgustingly healthy.

Worked the whole afternoon on counter-insurgency, the emergency plan and the Barrio Home Defense Force.

A new confirmed report of a plot to assassinate both me and the Vice President has just been reported by Boni and confirmed by Joe Maristela. The military group is headed by Terry Adevoso – the political group is still being checked.

Apparently the plans of the Liberal paralleled those of the communists. They will await the results of my efforts to improve the economic situation then if I fail, they will take advantage of this by assassination.

Well, we must not fail!!

And I must check the participation of Pres. Puyat of the Senate and Speaker Laurel of the House.

Ralph Nubla reported tonight that Congressman Yap of Tarlac, right-hand man of Sen. Ninoy Aquino, has said that they will give me six months – then they will strike. We must clarify all these plans.

 

PAGE 28

Malacañang

Manila

Imelda has a mass in the right breast and worries us because the doctors say that while there has been no change, an operation to remove it and to find out if it is malignant may be necessary.

I am suffering from pain in the right groin after golf. I hope it is not hernia. I see the doctor tomorrow.

And we were on a project to have another baby, a boy if possible. Massive injections of hormones for Imelda is necessary if we are to have a baby and this is not good for her growth in the breast which might develop into something serious with these hormones.