October 21, 1972

 

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1.

12:35 PM

Oct. 21, 1972

Saturday

Malacañan Palace

Manila

Just arrived from the informal dinner given by Pres. and Mrs. Watanabe of the Asian Development Bank. Only Sec. & Mrs. Alex Melchor, Sec and Mrs. Cesar Virata and ADB Vice Pres. Krisna Moortli were present. Pres. Watanabe is retiring Dec. 25th.

It was a pleasant dinner with much story telling punctuated by laughter.

Proclaimed the emancipation of the tenant-farmer this morning. I attach a copy of my proclamation or decree. This should cause the actual start of the Reformation.

And gave a 1st month report of martial law.

Then met the labor leaders, the rural bankers, the governor, Liberal leaders and mayors of Masbate.

A Japanese straggler was killed and his companion wounded in Lubang yesterday by

2.

Oct. 21st (Con’t)

Malacañan Palace

Manila

the PC patrol they ambushed.

Camp Keithley in Marawi City is under attack by a band of outlaws who have taken over the MSU radio, raised the red flag and surrounded the PC Prov. Hq. of Maj. Marolomsar, Prov. Commander. Eight of our men have been killed (six outright at Pantar Bridge that leads to the city from Iligan) and one wounded while nine have been killed on the enemy side and one captured who is being interrogated.

Reinforcements being rushed to the besieged forces.

The enemy may number anywhere from 100 to 400. But PC Prov. Hq. under attack holding out.

Other Mindanao units alerted in case this attack is a signal of an uprising in all of Mindanao and Sulu.

3.

Oct. 21st (Con’t)

Malacañan Palace

Manila

I believe the attackers may be a combination of student radicals (KM and SDK) supported by outlaws. The red flag may show they are communist infiltrated or controlled.

And again this may be a diversion from the Luzon front where the communists are hard pressed.

Or a demonstration that the leaders I talked to and placated like the Alontos and Pendatun do not run things anymore.

Or again this may be a Pendatun and Alonto play to gain a stronger bargaining position.

But we are not going to bargain. We will hit them hard.


Thursday, October 19, 1972

I presided over the meeting of the Sponsorship Council, sub-council I, on Economic and Fiscal Affairs. Erning Amatong and Ikeng Belo came along. Serging Tocao thrust himself into the meeting on the ground that he is the assistant of Justice Barrera in the sub-council. He talked about the format of the Constitution. I had to cut him short because our discussion was limited to the major provisions. Ben Rodriguez also came after a while although he is not a member of the sub-council.

The main thrust of Belo’s proposal was to remove “numbers” in the Constitution. We should not talk about 60% or 70% Filipino ownership in agriculture and natural resources, in public utilities, in retail trade, etc., vis-a-vis foreign ownership much less 100% Filipino ownership.

Under the draft provision, agriculture and natural resources should be owned wholly by Filipinos (100%), with 30% ownership by foreigners (70% Filipino ownership) allowed under certain exceptions; all other corporate enterprises in the other reports would be owned 60% by Filipinos. Belo wanted it the other way around—namely, that no nationality requirement be mentioned at all in the business activities except only in agriculture and natural resources. The requirements there would be left the way they are presently provided for in the present (1935) Constitution.

However, he would liberalize it further by providing that although they should be 60% Filipino-owned, the legislature may, by 2/3 vote, increase or decrease the Filipino ownership.

My personal contribution was on the controversial provision on foreign investments. I got the group’s endorsement of my formulation—that foreign investments from any country shall be welcome insofar as they are in harmony with the development plans and policies of the country.

When the Convention opened 16 months ago, there were three distinct factions of delegates: (1) the pro-Garcia or Nacionalista-affiliated or supported candidates which later on constituted the nucleus of the pro-Marcos bloc in the Convention; (2) the pro-Macapagal or Liberal-leaning bloc; and (3) the Independent-Progressive bloc, at least 50% of whom are delegates who have never been in active politics and who profess non-partisanship in their approach to Constitution-framing.

The pro-Garcia (ultimately pro-Marcos) bloc, had a distinct plurality over the pro-Macapagal bloc in the Convention, hence the election of President Garcia, initially, as president of the Convention. (It was only after President Garcia had passed away early during his term that the Convention elected former President Macapagal to succeed him.)

The pro-Macapagal Liberal bloc, on the other hand, had some plurality over the Independent-Progressives, which was a coalition of three factions headed by Raul Manglapus, Tito Guingona and me.

Our Independent-Progressive bloc held a meeting at the home of Pepe Calderon of the pro-Macapagal Liberals. By this time, the pro-Macapagal bloc—their remnants anyway—were, for all practical purposes, in coalition with the few survivors of our Independent-Progressive bloc.

Inasmuch as Erning Amatong and I had arrived early, we got Cecing Calderon to talk about something else: to tell us what he had gotten from Liberal senators, Gerry Roxas and Jovito Salonga, to whom he had gone this morning.

Roxas had told Calderon: “I have already given out my thoughts to Alfelor and Trillana and Nepomuceno and that is to vote “Yes” if only because the situation is so fluid and we would not foreclose our options by voting “No” now. If we voted “No” now on the transitory provision, we would definitely not be in even if the situation should later warrant our being there. After all, if necessary, you may yet opt not to sign the Constitution, or not take your oath or take your seat in the National Assembly,” Roxas had said.

On the other hand, according to Calderon, Salonga had said that he would like to take a long look at this. In Salonga’s opinion, history would judge the proposed transitory provision in the new Constitution to be the most scandalous provision he has ever read in any Constitution. We should emphatically reject it.

Our other friends arrived—among them, Senator Juan Liwag, Joe Feria, Naning Kalaw, Totoy Nepomuceno, Fr. Ortiz, Cefi Padua, Joe Feliciano. With the eight of us, plus the Calderon brothers, we were ten in all—seven Independent-Progressives and three pro-Macapagal Liberals.

This is all that is left of our combined pro-Macapagal and Independent-Progressive blocs.

The phone rang. It was for Liwag. As he put down the receiver, he announced that Romy Capulong was coming.

Everyone was taken by surprise. Romy is a fugitive. He is in the “wanted” list and is in hiding. We all got somewhat tense.

“Is he not wanted?” Joe Feria asked apprehensively.

Cefi Padua was visibly nervous. “Don’t let him come here,” he twice suggested to Cecing.

Part of our anxiety lay not only in the fact that Romy was “wanted” but that, also, we were meeting in the home of a man who was supposed to be under house arrest.

Romy Capulong walked in, an embarrassed smile on his lips. In spite of our apprehensions, we were all very pleased to see him. Of course, he had been in close contact with Liwag because they are close. I myself was very pleased to see him. In fact, I had precisely thought of asking the members of our group to try to find ways of being able to assist him and Raul Roco financially. I was ready to pass the hat around.

I asked Romy how he was doing financially. Not very well, he said. So I then started asking for contributions. I could not immediately include Sonny Alvarez in our calculations because I do not know Sonny’s whereabouts although he is very much in my mind.

Romy told us some Catholic nuns have been taking care of him and Raul Roco. They gave him asylum in some retreat house. Evidently, according to Romy, some elements of the clergy are very much opposed to what is now happening. They are taking the posture of passive resistance.

It is some members of the Iglesia ni Kristo, Romy was made to understand by the nuns, who became the informers of the military before the proclamation of martial law. The whole INK church, according to them, was utilized by the military to get at critics, leftists and subversives. Of course, this did not jibe with the story that on the day of martial law, more than ten Iglesia ni Kristo security guards and two PC soldiers died at the gate of the Iglesia ni Kristo headquarters at Commonwealth Avenue during a scuffle at which recoiless rifles were used by the troops.

Liwag then gave again an impassioned speech against the transitory provision.

He said that someone who had run (and lost) for the Constitutional Convention was in tears the other day. This man said that he had missed the historic opportunity to prove his loyalty to his people; if he were a member of the Convention now, he would be voting against the provision.

The import of Liwag’s words is that it would be patriotic to vote “No.” Yet, when he was pressed, he seemed evasive and he refused to categorically answer how he would vote. Was the articulate and brave senator trying to hide his fear of being arrested?

Fr. Ortiz kept on saying that while he is thinking of voting “No” he also wants to be sure that there is really no useful purpose to be served by voting “Yes.” In other words, may not being in the Assembly be an opportunity for service to the people? So long as there are possibilities for doing good in the present government, he, too, is not exactly averse to serving.

Joe Feria and Naning Kalaw seemed to have changed positions somewhat. While yesterday Naning was almost ready to vote “Yes” and Joe almost for “No,” today Joe Feria is almost for “Yes” and Naning almost for “No.”

We asked Romy Capulong how he would vote if he could do so, i.e., if he has not gone underground. He said he would vote “Yes.”

Romy added that there was some hopeful news—that the President was fed up and also disappointed with his own “tutas in the Convention. His news was that Marcos did not really respect them. It may even be that the President would not be averse to getting people in the government who are more respectable even if they are not his own men.

A drowning man, it is said, would clutch at a piece of straw. But surely, also, one can see the rainbow through the rain?

Romy apparently was convinced that this is true.

As we were going out after our adjournment, Romy’s upbeat mood was not yet exhausted. “So Mr. Feria and Mr. Espiritu, you get prepared to be drafted; it may be that the President will send for you and ask you to join him in his administration.”

Totoy immediately shared Romy’s optimism. The president really respected our group more than his own lapdogs. He said it would be quite important to Marcos to give respectability to his decisions. In fact, he is very certain that none of us would be touched any longer because it is very important for the President that we give him our support.

Since yesterday, Totoy has shown inclinations to vote “Yes”—following the line of reasoning of Gerry Roxas. Cefi Padua, of course, is sure that his name was in the list. He seems ready to vote “Yes.”

The pressures were heavy on all of us. We take our freedom for granted; it is only when it is endangered that we realize that it is freedom, as Harold J. Laski has said, which can give final beauty to men’s lives.

Cicero Calderon is prepared to take a job offered by the International Labor Organization to be regional consultant in Bangkok. This gives him a very good excuse not to join the Assembly. I assured him that from what I remembered, the moment anyone has his appointment papers to work for an international organization, he may be able to leave the country. The question is if the voting were done before he could leave the country.

He said that if the voting were done before he could leave the country, he would vote “Yes.”

Cecing was emphatic, however, that for some of us, particularly me, there is really no choice: we should vote “Yes.” Twice he said, “Caesar is under duress; he would have been arrested were his name not taken out of the list by Johnny Ponce Enrile.”

Pepe Calderon discussed the pros and cons and said that the Metrocom troopers who came to his house were really sent by his political enemy in Nueva Vizcaya. In fact, his daughter twice saw one of the bodyguards of Leonie Perez, together with the Metrocom troopers, in both instances. He could not see why, given this opportunity, he should not be in the Assembly so that at least he would not be oppressed by his political opponents.

Liwag again continued his powerful orations against the transitory provision. But when pressed, he was still very vague and would not give his decision. He said that the only moral decision was a “No” decision. “If we vote ‘Yes’ it would only be because we are rationalizing or justifying our desire to vote ‘Yes'”, he said. But in the end, he still did not give us his own firm decision.

Liwag was lost in his ambiguity and indecision. Our Hamlet was clearly wrestling with his conscience.

Jose (Joe) Feliciano very forcefully attacked “the institution of a dictatorship in the country.” After the impassioned speech, he ended almost in a whimper.

“But these are abnormal times. We are under martial law. We have to take care or our own lives. Therefore, it is impossible to vote ‘No’. We have to vote ‘Yes.'”

Finally, we made a decision to have a written explanation on our vote. Without any discussion, it seemed to be understood that this would be an explanation to a “Yes” vote, particularly because Totoy, who was the one among us most openly for a “Yes” vote, volunteered to prepare the draft. Significantly, no one voiced any objection.

The fear of being arrested was now triumphing over the desire to refuse any traffic with the dictator. Is this then the way submission is finally secured from brave souls?… “But as for me,” Patrick Henry had orated before the American War of Independence, “Give me liberty or give me death.” But that was a long time ago. We all have forgotten this.

Was our little Independent-Progressive bloc—what was left of it (the others have either deserted us or have been bought by Marcos; a few are in prison and some are abroad)—inevitably drifting into an inevitable “Yes” decision? So it seemed!

On the verge of a betrayal? Or so cowed that the primal instinct of survival is fast overcoming the still small voice that had once reigned in their lives?


September 19, 1972, Tuesday

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(1)

Sept. 19, 1972

Tuesday

Malacañan Palace

Manila

 

Released the report of Sec. Ponce Enrile of Sept. 8, 1972 where he reported that Sen. Aquino had met with Jose Maria Sison of the Communist Party and had talked about a link-up of the Liberal Party and the Communist Party.

I attach copy of the report.

Sen. Roxas had written that they were not attending the meeting.

I attach copy of the letter.

So since I invited Sen. Pres. Puyat, Speaker Villareal, (Sen. Roy did not come) Cong. Yñiguez came I explained to the media which was covering us that when I invited the leaders of the Liberal Party I had wanted a private conference where we could, as Filipinos and for the welfare of our people, agree that neither party (Nacionalista or Liberal) would “link-up” with the Communist Party

 

 

(2)

Sept. 19th (Con’t)

Malacañan Palace

Manila

but their refusal to attend indicated that the Liberals were in on the deal to “link-up” with the Communists through Sen. Aquino.

We also prepared affidavits of the NPA surrenderees and captured personnel implicating Sen. Aquino.

I also attach all these papers.

This morning the Defense Establishment though the Executive Committee of the National Security Council gave a briefing on OPLAN SAGITTARIUS.

This noon I talked to Mr.      Wales, Pres. of the American Chamber of Commerce on their problems of parity, the Justeneco and retail trade cases.

 

(3)

Sept. 19th (Con’t)

Malacañan Palace

Manila

Amended Civil Service Rules signed.

[        ]

Delegate Calaycay with mayor and councilors of Luna, Kalinga-Apayao.

The tension and apprehension are still high.

I had to state during this afternoons interview that:

1. The link-up of the Liberal Party and the Communist Party would constitute a threat that we would have to assess in a new light.

2. The Communists have attempted to infiltrate the office of the SND and the AFP.

3. The Communists have doubled their armed strength in the last six months.

 


September 16, 1972

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[Note: the first page of this entry is missing]

 

Sept. 16th (Con’t)

Malacañan Palace

Manila

As I expected the Liberals and the Manila Times have started to make much of Oplan Saggitarius.

So I have openly appealed to the Liberals not to connive with the communists, revealing that Jose Mari Sison and other communists met with Liberals for a common front and consolidation of forces on propaganda, logistics, armed support and prevent the use of emergency powers — giving details.

I am sure this will start another raging controversy.

The reason there is a clamor for martial law is the open threat of the communists to punish the officers including me even after the termination of their office ; the fact that if nothing is done the Communists will take over and the half measures like the suspension of the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus will not do: and the society has to be reformed.


June 22, 1972 Thursday 8:30 AM (Off Zamboanga City on board the 777 before landing)

[p.1]

8:30 AM

Off Zamboanga City
on board the 777 before
landing

2151

June 22, 1972

Thursday

Malacañan Palace

Manila

Comparatively pleasant trip. Slight swells and driving raw at about 8:45 PM last night.

Sen. Benigno Aquino, in undisguised relish predicts revolution in the Philippines. Writing in an article “Youth in Revolt” in the Far Eastern Economic Review of June 10, 1972 be gleefully quotes the (not readable) statistics of doom; the economic elite of 1.5%, the 75% poor and the 23.5% middle class; the economic profile – only 2.6% of Filipino families earn P10,000 ($1,538) or more a year, 6.8% earn 5,000 to P9,999 ($769 – $1,538) etc; Cost of education; the drop outs only 32 out of 100 finish elementary education, only 6.2 finish high school, only 4 go to college, only 0.8 get a college degree; Unemployment and underemployment: 1.1 million plus out of a workforce of 12:5 are unemployed, 5 million are underemployed; of the 1,007,133 college educated why 60.6% were employed, of the 1,041,004 with one to three years of college, only 38.3% had work, of the 1,038,306 only 78% had jobs, most being misplaced.

I attached the copy of the review.

[p.2]

2152

June 22nd (Con’t)

Malacañan Palace

Manila

Aquino, conversantly forgetting Plaza Miranda and the rice scarcity brought about by calamities with an apparent boast for his supposedly activist – supported bid for the Liberal Party presidential nomination said: “He might have added that activist youth, fragmented in ideology and strategy, was behind the tidal “no” vote given to the Marcos proxies – the candidates handpicked by President and Mrs. Marcos in the last senatorial elections”

And this is the orientation of the whole article – to focus on his strength as a presidential candidate.

The prediction, however, has basis for it. Although the estimate of five to ten years may be too long – or too short.


Jan. 20, 1971 Wednesday 9:30 pm

…The Liberals have taken out a full page advertisement on martial law declaring they would not attend sessions if martial law is declared.

I have had to reiterate my stand that martial law is the last recourse –that I would resort to it only of there is massive sabotage, terrorism, assassination and a violent grab for control of government…


February 23, 1970 Monday

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PAGE 93

Office of the President

of the Philippines

Malacañang

 

 

February 23, 1970

Monday

 

 

1:10 AM

 

The Lopezes are more and more vicious through their columnists. Ernesto Granada happily refers to me as snake-like. He probably knows he is suspected as a communist by me. And so does I.P. Soliongco.

But the Lopez contributions to the radicals is their premium payments for insurance. They do not know that they would be the first to go if the communists take over.

Adevoso and his co-conspirators have met again. They are still at it.

Ninoy Aquino attacked the fertilizer plant project of the sugar planters in a privilege speech – a project that I have already ordered to be suspended.

Villalon testified before the Joint Committee to the effect that the Liberals specially Osmeña funded and encouraged the demonstrations. There must be consternation among the Liberals.

Looks like the demonstrations will continue and they may become more violent.

Met with the PACD and barrio officials who reaffirmed their trust and confidence in me.

Imelda went to the Tondo slums and relates how the children are eating only once a day and in some instances three times a week. So we have decided to convert Tondo into a model city – as a priority project.

 


February 9, 1970, Monday

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PAGE 73

Office of the President

of the Philippines

Malacañang

February 9, 1970

Monday

9:40 PM

I write this as I wait for a visitor who will inform us of all the conspiracy going on behind the Liberal Party. Osmeña has just delivered a privilege speech in the Senate denying his connection with the demonstrators and the riots and rehashing his charges about the elections.

Villalon testifying before the Senate-House Joint Committee should blast this claim to pieces. Col. Jimmy Barbers has asked for an opportunity to present him next Wednesday at 9:00 AM.

Went out of the Palace (for the first time since Jan. 30, 1970) to attend the 31st Anniversary of the Phil. Navy set at 9:00 AM. Stayed until 11:00 AM. Commissioned the new 25-know 87 ft. patrol craft made in Singapore. Our Navy will duplicate it. We have a 100 ft. ferro-cement fishing boat in the making.

Was gratified to see the people waving at me and clapping their hands. The public sympathy has returned to us since the attack on the Palace on Jan. 30th.

Apparently the crisis is over – unless the Feb. 12th rallies turn into violent riots, God forbid.

The whole family was in Scout uniform at the 5:00 o’clock investiture of Imelda and the opening ceremonies of the preparation for the 50th Anniversary of Scouting in 1973.

Conferred with the two Cardinals, Santos and Rosales, on the Jesuits and bishops propagating radical ideas – like Father Ortiz, Murphy (Tom) and Blanco as well as the seven bishops who sent the open letter.

PAGE 74

Office of the President

of the Philippines

Malacañang

Now even the student leaders are divided. They seem to be in a state of confusion. Tonight 25 students from the UP have seen the First Lady. Uncivil, arrogant but uninformed, naïve and confused.

I see the KM and Labor leaders with Blas Ople tomorrow at 5:00 PM.

But the NUSP is following the script of making demands which I am supposed to grant – to strengthen their hand. And they are supposed to picket Malacañang tomorrow.

Even if the demonstrations should turn violent because the latest intelligence is that Commander Dante is supposed to be collecting hand guns in Concepcion and supposedly in the province of Tarlac, for use in Manila, it would still be favorable to us for the people are against violence – specially if it is against Malacañang Palace.

We must recast the plans for a total solution of the communist problem. We must prepare for a long, tedious legal fight with the military stepping up the drive in Central Luzon and harassing raids in Novaliches, Caloocan and Parañaque where the HMBs and the Mao’s hold in when they escape from the PC raids in Central Luzon.

PAGE 75

Office of the President

of the Philippines

Malacañang

Gov. Licaros sent a message through Bobby Benedicto who is agreed to going out on leave from the Presidency of the PNB, that his mission is a complete success.

We will get the third tranche of $27.5 million $40 m from out gold $40 from the Federal Reserve Bank and $120 million from the consortium of banks plus a five year extension of our debts. If we can get $100 m from Japan, we will have all we need.

Now all I am asking for is to be allowed to start working.


Thursday, February 5, 1970

01 Diary of Ferdinand Marcos, 1970, 0001-0099 (Jan01-Feb28) 70 01 Diary of Ferdinand Marcos, 1970, 0001-0099 (Jan01-Feb28) 71 01 Diary of Ferdinand Marcos, 1970, 0001-0099 (Jan01-Feb28) 72

 

PAGE 68

Office of the President

of the Philippines

Malacañang

Thursday

February 5, 1970

10:20 PM

Called Ambassador Byroade to find out if they (the Americans) are supporting me in the fight against the subversives. He said they would. Whatever they have done to encourage intransigence among the Liberals, we should neutralize them before a total confrontation with the communists. To satisfy the American ego I asked for the accelerated delivery of the helicopters and some ammunition for both training and combat.

My principal worry, however, is the effect of the IMF program of a free rate of exchange. This will cause further increase in prices beyond the reach of the common man. My barber, Conrad, tells me that money is becoming scarce.

Byroade handed me his letter informing me that Pres. Nixon would like to receive me in California in mid or late August. I have accepted the invitation but I have delayed the publicity. This may cause another demonstration.

Asked Rep. Salipada Pendatun to keep peace in Cotabato and put some sense into the Liberals.

We are now preparing for the military confrontation with communism. Legal studies on whether an arrest can be made without warrant if I suspend the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus and if the arresting officer can be charged for illegal detention when the writ is restored. Then an assessment of the evidence against the target personalities.

We must prepare for a legal fight.

ATTACHMENT 

Letter of Ambassador Byroade (Page 1 of 2)

Manila, Philippines

February 3, 1970

Dear Mr. President:

You will undoubtedly recall that in your recent discussion with Vice President Agnew, the latter extended President Nixon’s invitation for you to pay a visit to the United States and suggested late 1970 or early 1971. During that conversation mention was made of the fact that many Heads of States would be going to America for the Twenty-fifth Anniversary Session of the United [Nations]. The Vice President later pointed out to you his thought that this would hardly be good timing from our point of view as with so many visitors it might be difficult to give your own visit the priority and attention that he knew President Nixon would desire. I believe, but am not certain, that Vice President Agnew suggested that a later date might be preferable.

I now have the authority to explore with you the possibility of a somewhat earlier date of mid or late August. If such timing would prove convenient to you, I am informed that President Nixon would like to receive you in California as he has found that that locale has proven ideal for comparable state occasions. I have been informed also that he would like a Pacific coast setting

 

His Excellency

Ferdinand E. Marcos

President of the Republic

of the Philippines

 

ATTACHMENT 

Letter of Ambassador Byroade (Page 2 of 2)

for the actual meeting with you as he feels this would lend emphasis to the mutual interests of our two countries in the Pacific community.

I will be most pleased, of course, to pass along your thoughts on this matter.

Sincerely,

(Sgd.) Henry A. Byroade