Saturday, November 25, 1972

A few of us met at Pepe Calderon’s house for our small prayer meeting. This was necessary because of the kind of dilemmas that we have been facing. Moreover, it is really true that in spite of our supposed religiosity, most of us, perhaps, if not all of us, have not really allowed God to illumine our minds in this Convention. Did not Isaiah say that they who wait upon the Lord will renew their strength?

Present in this small group were Fr. Ortiz, Joe Feria, Cecing Calderon, Totoy Nepomuceno, Pepe Calderon and me.

Ortiz said that it is now too late to turn back. There is no bucking the head wind now and it seems too soon to scent the deluge if it should come. We are really caught in a dilemma.

Joe Feria prayed hard for divine guidance because, he says, presumably the problem is that we have already rationalized our own positions and now we talk about seeking God’s will on this matter. It is difficult to accept certain things when our minds are no longer open to God’s will. Based on our understanding of human history and of all past experiences of many nations, we are now creating a dictatorship in this country and we are participants in the seeming betrayal of the people. Yet it may be that God has a purpose beyond our will and understanding at the moment. What if God is saying to us that we have failed and He is using Marcos now to effectuate the kind of reforms which we had failed to do?

This is the kind of torturing doubt that is in the mind of Joe Feria.

Joe was asking for some kind of a miracle, some kind of a direct answer from God, something like a bolt of lightning, as it were, in the coming two days.

But God does not only work in such ways. God works in many ways—even using human reason as well as individuals as channels of his will. Joe seems to be living in the days of the Old Testament.

Cecing said that since our God is a God of history, he should know the consequences of our actions and we should be accordingly guided.

Totoy was more or less concerned with what our role should be now. He is also concerned with the fact that there are no more leaders in the opposition in the country today. Does God want us to pass this by? Does God want us not to take any role here? Docs not God expect us now to make the fullest sacrifice because this is what is expected of us as Christians in this country?

I prayed for our colleagues in the stockades and for those who are in exile abroad. But above all, I asked for guidance and for courage so that God may be able to use us. “It is really a very great dilemma we are in; enlighten our minds so that we can discern Your will, and grant us the courage to obey,” I prayed.

This was an emotional moment. Was God hearing our supplications?

We exchanged some thoughts. Ortiz felt, that it is necessary that there should be at least some kind of symbolic opposition to the Constitution.

But supposing it turns out that this Constitution would carry the country forward to greater progress? Even then, it would not be treasonable on our part if we should have voted “No” or abstained.

We have different circumstances, Father Ortiz said. In a way, he is lucky that he has no family to worry about. If it should become necessary for him to stay in the stockade he would still be useful there.

Cecing Calderon said that he has again talked with Toto and Toto said that now a new condition shall be imposed, namely, that a delegate should vote on the new Constitution both on second and third reading in order to qualify for the National Assembly.

Cecing was quite convinced that his brother, Pepe, and I do not really have much choice.

He related what happened when he went to Nueva Vizcaya last week. At the airport, the military had to check the names of people who could take the plane to Nueva Vizcaya. They did not find the name of Cicero Calderon, but the names of Pepe Calderon and Joe Concepcion were there. In fact the military men had asked him if his name was Joe Concepcion.

Poor Joe Concepcion. Or poor Cecing Calderon.

In the case of Caesar, he said, everyone knows the military is just looking for an excuse to get him. He has long been a thorn in the neck of Marcos. Under the circumstances, he thought, it is quite difficult for Pepe and me not to vote “Yes.”

But Joe Feria is right. The important thing is not going to the stockade or being in personal danger. Ultimately, the important thing is the country.

Echoes of Froilan’s idea. And how easier said than done. Do we have the courage of our convictions?

“He who would come after me must take up the cross and follow me,” Jesus said. But was it not Simon Peter who had vowed, “Even if it should cost my life, I shall never leave you”? But the cock did crow three times, after he denied his Lord.

But the other problem in our minds is the consequence of our signing the Constitution, if we should so decide. Could this mean we are recommending the approval of the Constitution?

Cecing repeated to us that he had confronted again Toto de la Cruz, with whom he has a certain warmth of relationship. (Toto was a participant of the Asian Labor Development Education Center when Cecing was director of the Center at the UP.)

He said that Toto has reaffirmed that in order to qualify for the Assembly, one must have to vote “Yes” to the entire Constitution both on second and third readings. That is why he, Cecing, could not go home to Dumaguete. But he repeated that the cases of Pepe and me, are different; we should only vote “No” if we are prepared to spend the next months in military prison.

This kind of talk instills more and more fear into me. What should a man do?

We proceeded to the session hall—confused, downcast.

I talked to the floor leader, Taning Fernandez, on how I could insert my amendments into the records. The proper thing for me to do was to speak in opposition and then manifest my intention to have my amendments inserted in the journal, he counselled. I therefore registered for amendments.

I have mentioned to Aying Yñiguez that this was what I was going to do and he said this was the proper thing to do. I had also mentioned this to Atoy Barbero, and he had agreed.

In spite of the fact that we usually vote differently, I have a good working relationship with Aying and Atoy—two Marcos stooges who are friendly with me. I can speak out my thoughts to them and they to me, although still, for the most part, our ideas are poles apart.


October 16, 1972

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1:00 AM Oct. 17th

Oct. 16, 1972

Monday

Malacañan Palace

Manila

Worked on the establishment of new settlements for the squatters who will be displaced upon the destruction of their houses.

And the proclamation transferring ownership of the rice and corn lands to the tenants paying 25% of the average yield for 15 years –this payment shall include 6% interest.

Then met South Cotabato Gov. Morales, Cong. James Chiongbian and some mayors, the mayors of the two Lanaos led by the President of the mayors league of Lanao del Sur, Mayor Palauran Dusumimba who were accompanied by the Sec. of National Defense, the military and other leaders. I attach the list.

Met Gov. Camerino of Cavite, S.P. Lopez of the U.P. inducted underSec. Jose Drilon as the Under Sec. of Agriculture and Natural Resources.

Received Datu Mafalen of the Ubos, Mai Juan of the T’boli, Datu M    of the H.

and the Moslems of Palawan

covered by TV.

In the afternoon I met the chiefs of Police (about 1,000) at 4:00 PM and explained the objectives of our cause.

Then met the Greater Manila mayors and chiefs of Police.


October 14, 1972

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1

11:20 PM

Oct. 14, 1972

Saturday

Malacañan Palace

Manila

I have finally decided that in the Land Reform Program we should keep the government out of the transaction for the transfer of ownership of the land to the tenant. It would be a direct transaction between landowner and tenant choosing one of two schemes:

1. Payment in 14 years of 25% of the decided rent. This would be guaranteed by the cooperative that would have to be organized before ownership can be transferred to the tenant.

2. The organization of a corporation 25% of which shall belong to the landowner.

And there will be 0-retention by the landowner –except where the landowner tills the land himself– so he retains 6 hectares for each member of the family.

I attach the notes on our conference.

The use of bonds I rejected as this involves ₱7.5 billion at ₱5,000 per hectare.

Met Amb. Byroade at 9:45 AM who congratulated me. I asked him to inform his government I am asking for help in Land Reform. He feels that he can obtain such help from the U.S. Congress.

2

Oct. 14th (Con’t)

Malacañan Palace

Manila

But the doctors in Clark Air Force Base have discovered a quarter size whitish spot inside his mouth under his tongue due to his smoking. So he is supposed to stop smoking as the spot is pre-malignant.

Was at Fort Bonifacio 10:30-11:45 PM inspecting the troops beyond the target range in training for attack. NBC took shots of me on the radio and the heliborne troops taking a hill.

Then worked on new schools to be opened, the amendments to the orders on suspension and dismissal of policemen, the take over of IISMI and Elirol, the exclusion of clearance requirements for certain groups of persons.

Tonight I viewed the media presentations of two groups –the APAA and the Tony Cantero groups.

I met Eraño Manalo of the Iglesia ni Cristo. He is worried that he may be picked up. And the BIR just notified him his books of accounts would be examined. Of course I accepted the resignation of Judge Herminio Moreno, married to his sister.

3

Oct. 14th (Con’t)

Malacañan Palace

Manila

And in the early morning of Saturday, Sept. 22nd, shooting erupted in the Central Building of the Iglesia in Quezon City, beside the U.P. resulting in the death of one Iglesia guard and the wounding of three more while on the government side three marines were wounded. And he claims it was due to the fact that the Metrocom team head who was asked what they wanted by an Iglesia man, Ka Esguerra (a Lt. Ilagan who was apparently nervous) did not show his written orders nor did he explain his mission. Only the call of Sec. Ponce Enrile stopped the shooting.

He claims that the NPA would be trying to win their men to their side. But that they could not join a Godless organization.

I believe he is scared of being picked up.

 


Sunday, October 8, 1972

Strolling at the Rizal Park this evening, I met Prof. Fred Morales. He told me how the military had burst into the Political Science Department of the UP and ransacked what they thought was the desk of Prof. Francisco (Dodong) Nemenzo. The papers were all over the place. Apparently, however, they searched the wrong desk; the desk was that of Prof. Emy Arcellana’s.

So that was why Emy did not seem like her usual self last week when we were guest speakers at the United Nations Association of the Philippines!

Mrs. Morales suggested that I should readily accept normal speaking engagements because this was one way of showing non-complicity with subversives. This would indicate I was not in hiding.

This was a sound advice. But why all these manifestations of concern for my safety? Has the word spread around that I would be arrested? How? Why?


February 11, 1970, Wednesday

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February 11, 1970

Wednesday

1:00 AM

Comparative quiet. The radicals have called off their rally in Plaza Miranda and will probably hold rallies in the campuses. Met with the UP moderates headed by Gordon and Ortega. They are planning to put up their newspaper.

Commander Sumulong sent word through Danding Cojuangco that the rioting in Malacañang was brought about by the CIA. Jim Rafferty had said that he had made inquiries about the squatters and they had refused to join the rally. This, he said was different from Indonesia, where they had.

Commander Sumulong is going after Commander Dante in Tarlac. He says Dante was wounded in a previous skirmish and may be moving around in a hammock. Danding suspects that Ninoy Aquino is hiding him in either Antipolo, Puringay or in the Joe Rojas ranch in Bataan. Sumulong promises to get him.

Col. Tomas Diaz is now Zone-2 and needs ₱80,000 for six civilian jeeps, one jeep each for the six teams and six more vehicles plus ₱10,000 monthly. We will start going after those Ma-Maos in a big way.

Have asked Bobby Benedicto to join Licaros in the U.S.. He has sought a leave of absence preparatory

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to retirement. Executive Vice Pres Villatuya is Acting President of PNB.

Am still looking for replacements in the BIR, Customs and the financing institutions as well as Undersecretaries of Defense, Justice and Commerce.

Have asked Dir. _______ of Forestry to locate 1,000 hectares near Manila and 1,000 hectares in Bataan near the Free Trade Zone for my resettlement projects.

Have appointed Gen. Tobias as Gen. Man. of the National Housing Corporation. I hope to build 1,000 low-cost houses a month.


February 9, 1970, Monday

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February 9, 1970

Monday

9:40 PM

I write this as I wait for a visitor who will inform us of all the conspiracy going on behind the Liberal Party. Osmeña has just delivered a privilege speech in the Senate denying his connection with the demonstrators and the riots and rehashing his charges about the elections.

Villalon testifying before the Senate-House Joint Committee should blast this claim to pieces. Col. Jimmy Barbers has asked for an opportunity to present him next Wednesday at 9:00 AM.

Went out of the Palace (for the first time since Jan. 30, 1970) to attend the 31st Anniversary of the Phil. Navy set at 9:00 AM. Stayed until 11:00 AM. Commissioned the new 25-know 87 ft. patrol craft made in Singapore. Our Navy will duplicate it. We have a 100 ft. ferro-cement fishing boat in the making.

Was gratified to see the people waving at me and clapping their hands. The public sympathy has returned to us since the attack on the Palace on Jan. 30th.

Apparently the crisis is over – unless the Feb. 12th rallies turn into violent riots, God forbid.

The whole family was in Scout uniform at the 5:00 o’clock investiture of Imelda and the opening ceremonies of the preparation for the 50th Anniversary of Scouting in 1973.

Conferred with the two Cardinals, Santos and Rosales, on the Jesuits and bishops propagating radical ideas – like Father Ortiz, Murphy (Tom) and Blanco as well as the seven bishops who sent the open letter.

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Now even the student leaders are divided. They seem to be in a state of confusion. Tonight 25 students from the UP have seen the First Lady. Uncivil, arrogant but uninformed, naïve and confused.

I see the KM and Labor leaders with Blas Ople tomorrow at 5:00 PM.

But the NUSP is following the script of making demands which I am supposed to grant – to strengthen their hand. And they are supposed to picket Malacañang tomorrow.

Even if the demonstrations should turn violent because the latest intelligence is that Commander Dante is supposed to be collecting hand guns in Concepcion and supposedly in the province of Tarlac, for use in Manila, it would still be favorable to us for the people are against violence – specially if it is against Malacañang Palace.

We must recast the plans for a total solution of the communist problem. We must prepare for a long, tedious legal fight with the military stepping up the drive in Central Luzon and harassing raids in Novaliches, Caloocan and Parañaque where the HMBs and the Mao’s hold in when they escape from the PC raids in Central Luzon.

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Gov. Licaros sent a message through Bobby Benedicto who is agreed to going out on leave from the Presidency of the PNB, that his mission is a complete success.

We will get the third tranche of $27.5 million $40 m from out gold $40 from the Federal Reserve Bank and $120 million from the consortium of banks plus a five year extension of our debts. If we can get $100 m from Japan, we will have all we need.

Now all I am asking for is to be allowed to start working.


January 29, 1970

01 Diary of Ferdinand Marcos, 1970, 0001-0099 (Jan01-Feb28) 60 01 Diary of Ferdinand Marcos, 1970, 0001-0099 (Jan01-Feb28) 61

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January 29, 1970

Thursday

The UP faculty had a demonstration this afternoon. They walked from Agrifina Circle to Malacañang, handed me a manifesto blaming the administration for “the pattern of repression.” No mention at all about who started the stoning nor the danger to the First Lady and me – nothing but police brutality. Dean Majul claimed they were referring to the government in general and that he who heads a house is responsible for the happenings in that house. Dean Escudero of Business Adm. says he was a Marcos Liberal and that it is a matter of faith. Dean Feria (apparently an American lady) of English says there was brutality, that her 17 year old daughter was near our car and did not see any stone thrown (she must need glasses otherwise where did the wound of Agent Tuson in the forehead come from). Dr. Francisco Nemenzo arrogantly proclaimed he was not content with the manifesto but after “seeing my reaction to it”, he was happy. I had said that I was disappointed in the faculty of my alma matter; that the UP was charged as the spawning ground of communism and that the manifesto was full of ambiguous generalities that had a familiar ring to them. Then I read a report that he had said he wanted the members of the faculty to be hurt by the police and that he had given directions to the Bertrand Russell Peace Foundation to prepare gasoline (apparently for Molotov cocktails), stones and other missiles to be used

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in the Friday (Jan. 30th) rally, and that in the charge of communism in the UP, his name was mentioned. Tomorrow, the big student rally. But Gargaritano of the youth reform movement says the NUSP and the NSI will not come to Malacañang but go to Congress instead. The Kabataan Makabayan will come to Malacañang, though. Mayor Villegas has said that he will not allow the police to be near the demonstrators. I ordered him in writing to maintain peace and order in all rallies and demonstrations. He sent word that his press release did not mean he would keep the police away. I showed to the UP professors the Collegian which carried the communist party articles and said that I did not wish to stop this but that I hoped that the two sides of the question would be ventilated. VP Lopez called the editor of the Collegian a leftist.


January 28, 1970

01 Diary of Ferdinand Marcos, 1970, 0001-0099 (Jan01-Feb28) 57 01 Diary of Ferdinand Marcos, 1970, 0001-0099 (Jan01-Feb28) 58 01 Diary of Ferdinand Marcos, 1970, 0001-0099 (Jan01-Feb28) 59

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January 28, 1970 Wednesday 11:50 PM The pattern of subversion is slowly emerging. The danger is now apparent to me but not to most people. The conspiracy to grab power and assassinate me and about a hundred officers. The terrorism in Central Luzon with the HMB’s and the Ma-Mao holding some towns in their power. The repeated cases of liquidation of government sympathizers, informers and agents; the pink intellectuals, writers, professors and students and fellow travelers. Then the time bomb in Jusmag. The riot in Congress last Monday. Now the UP faculty marches to Malacañang tomorrow and denounces police brutality and holds the administration responsible for the “policy of repression” and the “violation of rights”. Then another mass demonstration that may lead to another riot next Friday notwithstanding promises of Gargaritano, the Security officer of the student demonstrators [in the conference this afternoon in the palace] that he will coordinate with MPD chief Tamayo to maintain peace. And I am certain this is just the beginning. The newspapermen I have in my list are busy placing the government in disrepute and holding it in contempt before the people. The sabotage and the killings will continue. The slow chipping at the people’s confidence in government authority. If we do not prepare measures of counter-action, they will not only succeed in assassinating me but in taking over the government. So we must perfect our emergency plan.

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I have several options. One of them is to abort the subversive plan now by the sudden arrest of the plotters. But this would not be accepted by the people. Nor could we get the Huks, their legal cadres and support. Nor the MIM and other subversive [or front] organizations, nor those underground. We could allow the situation to develop naturally then after massive terrorism, wanton killings and an attempt at my assassination and a coup d’etat, then declare martial law or suspend the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus – and arrest all including the legal cadres. Right now I am inclined towards the latter.

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The student demonstrators seem to want a parliamentary form of government. If I want to be perpetuated in power, this is the easier way to it, with a constitutional provision that there shall be no elections unless a majority of all members of a unicameral legislature should adopt a formal resolution asking for such elections – and the powers of the Prime Minister are those of the President now.


June 3, 1942

Shoreham Hotel. Helping Quezon with the preparation of his address to be made before the United States Senate tomorrow. I suggested to him that if he used the phrase that “he did not come to ask that they send troops to drive the invader from his beloved land,” (in preference to their putting their American effort into another theater of war)–he might be called into account later by his own people. He replied: “I have an answer to that: I do not want the Philippines to be utterly wrecked by becoming again the theater of war–I hope the United States will strike directly at Japan. God forbid that our country should be treated like France today–that is simply awful.”

Osmeña came to see Quezon, but the latter was closeted with Supreme Court Justice Frankfurter, so Don Sergio came to my room for a talk. His purpose was to suggest the introduction in the speech tomorrow of a strong statement Quezon had made in October 1941 in Manila in which he stressed the absolute necessity for the Filipinos to join with the United States if they were drawn into the war. I think Quezon will use it.

I asked Osmeña about the early days of American government in the Philippines. He said that General Franklin Bell as Provost Marshal of Manila was considered by them as a liberal. Frank McIntyre was the first American he ever met. Osmeña was then editing a newspaper in Cebu and McIntyre was the Military Censor there. General MacArthur (the father) was Military Governor of the Philippines for only a short time–then he had a row with Mr. Taft over turning over the government to the latter.

Osmeña and Quezon were then governors of their respective provinces and together founded the Nacionalista party, but advocated co-operation with the Americans–which produced a storm of protest. The opposition to the Americans, however, came rather from the Spanish and Spanish mestizos than from the bulk of the Filipinos; Quezon was an exception. Dr. Pardo Tavera was active in opposition to America.

Don Sergio said that another time they would not fortify the region around Manila, which is indefensible; it is better for them to have their capital in the mountains of Pampanga or Tarlac–says at Fort Stotsenburg, which can be defended. He thinks that with the help of the United States the damage now done to the Philippines can be repaired in a comparatively short time.

Dinner with Quezon. He is very much disturbed by the evening news of the bombing by the Japanese of Dutch Harbor, Alaska. I told him that if they effected a foothold on the mainland of Alaska, they could bomb Chicago and Detroit. He said: “then somebody ought to be impeached.”

Our talk was then mostly about Japan. He said he had first met Matsuoka when the latter was head of the South Manchuria Railway; at that time, Matsuoka talked very frankly against the Chinese policy of his own government and ridiculed the idea that an indemnity should be exacted by them from China. “Why,” he asked “should we make them pay when we ourselves have invaded and devastated their country?” Quezon believes that he himself might have been asked to be a referee between China and Japan except for the complete control of Philippine foreign policy by the United States.

I expressed again to Quezon my regret that Professor Africa’s plea in 1936 for the training of young Filipinos in American consulates which I had at that time favorably recommended to him, had not been allowed by the United States. He replied that Secretary of State Hull had, at the time, agreed to the proposition and he supposes it had been blocked by some clerk in the State Department, or possibly a chief of bureau.

Quezon then turned to the subject of his luncheon with the Emperor of Japan. The presentation and wait before lunch were very formal. Then the Minister of the Household disappeared and they sat down at the table. Quezon was to the left of the Emperor, whose brother was on his right and on the other side of him sat American Ambassador Grew. Grew’s deaf ear was turned towards the rest of them, and the Emperor’s brother talked very loudly into it. This enabled the Emperor to have a quiet conversation with Quezon. His Majesty spoke English, but an interpreter stood behind his chair; he asked a good many questions of Quezon, and Quezon of him. Afterwards, Grew asked Quezon what they had talked about, especially when the Emperor and Quezon were alone in the “study.” Quezon refused to tell what the Emperor had said to him, and also what he, himself had said in reply, stating that it would be insulting if Grew suggested that he, Quezon, had said anything disloyal to the United States. This was in February, 1937.

He then turned again to a discussion of Francis Sayre, the High Commissioner to the Philippines. He touched on a discussion which had occurred between them as to the future trade relations between the United States and the Philippines which had taken place while Sayre was still in the Department of State. It was then suggested that this most important subject be referred to a Joint Committee, and Sayre proposed as Chairman former Vice Governor Hayden, recommending him because he was a professor. Quezon made a grimace. “Why,” said Sayre, “I have been a professor myself.” Later, when Sayre was appointed High Commissioner, and Quezon gave him a banquet, he introduced him as a “professor,” and everybody laughed. Quezon added that he entirely agrees with the opinion once expressed by Professor Becker, head of the Agricultural College at Los Baños, who stated before the Board of Visitors of the University of the Philippines (Governor General Wood, Quezon and Osmeña), that: “A Doctor of Philosophy cannot run anything.”

Turning to another subject, Quezon lamented that the United States Government had not backed up Morgan Shuster on his mission as treasurer of Persia, but had let him be run out of office by Sir Edward Grey, then the English Foreign Secretary. He added the remark to me that: “Shuster and you certainly started something thirty years ago–he in Persia, and you in the Philippines.”

Turning back to the subject of Japan once more, Quezon said he was sure Prince Konoye tried to prevent war between Japan and the United States. He sent Nomura over here as Ambassador to this country. When he saw he was going to fall. Prince Konoye resigned as Premier.

Finally, Quezon observed that Siam had made a mistake in joining even nominally with Japan; that France and England are no longer able to parcel off pieces of Siam for their own Empires, and would never be so again. Sic transit gloria mundi.