August 14, 1945

FLASH!

WAR IS OVER!

Japan has accepted all the terms of surrender. Now the announcement is official.

Rejoicing all around. Everybody believes that we will soon be out. I was asking myself however, “What will be the next step with reference to us?” I asked myself this question since in recent years, especially during the last months, we have experienced so many disappointments that I always fear that another one is forthcoming.

When the news came, I was out of the quarters attending the Tagalog class of Alvero. He had been giving very interesting lectures on the wealth and potentiality of the Tagalog language. I regret that the lecturers will have to be discontinued. But we are more interested in our liberation than anything else.

When the Potsdam ultimatum was issued and Russia entered the war and the atom bomb was first dropped, I predicted that the war would end in a week. The prediction of Paredes was more specific. He said it will come on August the 13th. I was right and he was right for the 14th here corresponds to the 13th in Washington as we are about one day ahead. Paredes and I both predict we will be out of here before the end of the month. Jokes were traded in connection with this glad news. To the radio report, De la Rama and Paredes added that those connected with the Japanese propaganda corps and the spokesman of the Republic would have to be deported and detained in Guam for a year. The two Luz brothers come under this and they were worried for a while. Later they discovered that it was all a joke.

August 14, 1945, Tuesday

The Lieutenant came and told us that Admiral Nimitz is now conferring with the Japanese officials, probably on the terms of the Armistice. Some consider this a blow to MacArthur as he must have been expecting that he would be the one to sign the Armistice agreement and to receive the surrender of Japan.

The Lieutenant also told us that the Domei had been communicating in code with all radio stations controlled by the Japanese. We suspected that instructions concerning the war are being transmitted.

To Mr. Damaso Verga: “Friendship that has blossomed in martyrdom is more enduring. You can, therefore, rest assured of my everlasting friendship.”

To Prof. Aurelio Alvero: “It has not all been martyrdom in this prison. Within its confines, we learned many things which would be of great value to us in the future. We have fathomed the heart of the masses, now convinced that they beat in unison with ours, so far as love of country is concerned. Therein had been woven the friendship which shall be everlasting. And finally therein we have discovered the wealth and potentiality of the Tagalog language. To you, Mr. Alvero, my warmest congratulations and my fervent prayer that you enjoy a long life for the preservation and development of our national language.”

To Mr. Soberano: “Let this be a happy remembrance of our comradeship and friendship cemented by our common suffering in this prison.”

July 4, 1945 Wednesday

Great day for the United States. It is Independence Day, marking the birth, of the American nation. She is justly called the cradle of liberty — the repository not only of the democratic rule, or government by the people, but she also adopted principles and ideals to guarantee the rights of men.

But what a paradox, what an irony — the Philippines is still under the Stars and Stripes. She should not have stayed here so long. We have been deported and imprisoned. We have been forcibly taken from our homes and separated from our dear ones. We have been humiliated and made to suffer. We have been treated like hardened criminals, muted with persons accused of treason and other serious crimes. In other words, we have been deprived of our liberty. And all these without any trial, without proper investigation, without even informing us of the charges against us. Oh, liberty, justice, where art thou?

It is said that the most serious charge against us is for having signed the two “manifestos” — both beseeching the people to keep peace and order and to help in the reconstruction of the Philippines. I shall discuss the first document in connection with my statement as to why I accepted a government position under the Japanese regime. As to the second “manifesto”, I signed it together with many others, not voluntarily and willingly for, as a matter of fact, it was imposed upon us, but without any regret. Under the circumstances, it was a good and justified step. We wanted our people to keep peace and order while they were defenseless and at the mercy of the Japanese. We wanted to save as many Filipino lives as possible. The peaceful citizens who lived outside cities and towns were suffering terribly because of the criminal and unscrupulous elements who took advantage of the disorder to prey upon them. Food production and transportation of foodstuffs were being interrupted or at least made difficult. Many in the cities died of malnutrition. The poor and those belonging to the middle class suffered terribly for lack of food or because food prices were beyond their means. Under the circumstances, what could we do but urge that peace and order be maintained.

Although it is July 4th, a holiday in the United States and in the Philippines, many of the enlisted class are being made to work at the new camp. They are hurrying up the work to be able to finish it as soon as possible. We are now too crowded in these quarters and we understand many more are coming. We may be happier here because it is in the center of the populated portion of the colony, but if we shall be crowded, we would prefer to be transferred to the new site. The work at the new camp now is done by rotation unlike before when it was done by volunteers. This seems to be a better arrangement because attendance was never assured — sometimes there were many and at times very few; some persons work there everyday, others do not work at all. There were complaints about the food, about being guarded too strictly, that they cannot take any rest, that they are being made to work in the rain. Proper complaints were filed and the authorities seemed to be inclined to hear them out. Food now is more abundant and the treatment better. But we must admit that at times the treatment accorded is well justified. Some men abuse the liberty given them and, instead of working during working hours, they would go fishing, or gather fruits, or talk to colonists. The motto should be “Work hard during working hours; any deviation from this rule is cheating.”

Aurelio Alvero was ordered today to go to the new camp to work. He refused on the ground that he is suffering from rheumatism. He was told that unless he complied he will be put in the “bartolina” which has just been finished. The “bartolina” is only about one and half meters by two meters in size and there is no ventilation except a small opening. It must be hell to be in there, especially when it is hot and with bread and water only for subsistence. Alvero says he does not mind being placed in the “bartolina”. I think what should be done is to have Alvero examined, and if his claim is true, he must not be compelled to work. Alvero said that he was afraid to get wet in the rain which will worsen his condition. He will be willing to do any other kind of work.

* * * * *

In connection with Romulo again, after the nomination for candidates for Senator in 1941, Romulo, who was an intimate friend of mine, showed coolness towards me. I attributed it to the fact that I was nominated and he was not. His resentment was absolutely unjustified. We all worked for him and we were able to get a big majority in the convention promise support for Romulo. Although Pres. Quezon always said that he wished the convention to act freely, the fact was that he controlled the nominations. He was the one who prepared the list of candidates and the names in his list were the ones nominated in the convention. When we submitted the name of Romulo, the President flatly refused for two reasons: he belonged to the same organization (Philippines Herald) as Don Vicente Madrigal. As Madrigal had already been chosen, Romulo could not be a candidate. The other reason was that he was not supported by a majority of the delegation from his own province, Tarlac. How could he expect other provinces to support him when his own province would not even vote for him? But there was a clear majority in favor of Romulo in the convention. It was probably influenced by the Free Press poll in which he got first place among an array of big men. Because of this, I had been calling him “Senator”. When later I was nominated and he was not, I noticed that he changed, probably believing that if I had not been included he would have been nominated. But it was all in accordance with the desire of President Quezon.

I was not a candidate at the beginning. Having been in politics for many years, having held high positions and dispensed many favors, there were many who wanted me to be a candidate. During the Free Press Contest, many approached me to ask my permission to include my name among the candidates. I objected strongly. I was through with politics. I had good reasons not to return to politics. I was in the government service from 1910 to 1922, in politics from 1922 to 1933, and a member of the Cabinet (Secretary of Public Works and Communications and as Secretary of Finance) from 1933 to 1939. In 1938-39, I was Financial Adviser to the President and member of the Economic Mission to America (Mr. Osmeña was Chairman). Having been repeatedly entrusted with power by our people and having held many of the highest positions in government, I felt satisfied. The only positions higher than the highest I have held are that of President and Vice President. Although many persons have talked to me about these positions, and modesty aside, I feel I can do the work to the satisfaction of the people especially in view of my record as an executive, I nevertheless have never had the ambition to occupy a position higher than those I have held. On the other hand, I felt that I had served my people sufficiently and I should devote the rest of my years building myself economically to insure the welfare of my family, consisting of a wife and ten children.

It is true that I made a lot of money from 1939 to 1941 when I was connected with Marsman enterprises as Vice President and Director of their many companies. But I had not yet saved enough to insure the future of my family. My whole plan that November of 1941 when nominations for senator were being considered, was to continue in business with Marsman & Co. I felt that my plans would be impossible to realize if I ever entered politics again. When I left the government I was deeply indebted — about ₱115,000. This was the result of politics, of having stayed too long in the government where one cannot possibly have made money unless he was dishonest; unless he violated the public trust and took advantage of his position to enrich himself. Under these circumstances, why would I want to reenter politics by allowing myself to be nominated as Senator, which at the time meant sure election, not only because I was well known all over the Philippines, but also because of the so-called block voting? (Block voting is that system by which a vote for the ticket of a party is vote for all the candidates of the party.)

How and why was I nominated? I was busy working in my office on the 4th floor of the Marsman building at Port Area. I tried to forget politics and I believe I had succeeded — never in my wildest dreams did it occur to me that I would enter politics again. My determination was strengthened by the fact that my wife and children who had suffered troubles and deprivation because of politics were strongly against it.

It was in the latter part of October, or the beginning of November, when I was called by Pres. Quezon to Malacañan. I thought he was going to talk about the elevator for his new house that Mr. Marsman had given him. I went to see him immediately. I was surprised when he came right out and told me that he wanted me to be one of the candidates for Senator. It was totally unexpected. The papers mentioned many names in connection with the nomination, and I was not included. It was because they understood very well that I was tired of politics — that I hated it. I was satisfied with my work at Marsman & Co.; I was paid well — enough to insure the welfare of my family.

I was speechless for many seconds. Finally, I was able to answer the President that I would like to be excused as I had decided to quit politics for good. He asked me to think about it and to come back after two days.

I did not have to think about it; I was decided not to be a candidate. I nevertheless consulted with my wife and children. Tears streamed down my wife’s face. She knew what it meant. She suffered much because politics had ruined us financially. Furthermore, when I was in politics, she had no rest. Any time of the day or night, she was molested by my constituents. She could not refuse to see them because they were men who had worked and sacrificed much, even spending their own money, to further my candidacy. It would have been the height of ingratitude not to attend to them and be gracious. Remembering all these, her answer was a definite no, for which I was glad as it was in accordance with my conviction.

I returned to Malacañan and told the President of my decision. The President was surprised; he could not understand why I was going to forego and opportunity to be a Senator without having to work or spend for it. He argued with me, stating that I should seize the opportunity, that I could still continue in business, and that I should not turn down any opportunity by which I could serve my country.

I answered him that I had already served my country perhaps as much as any other Filipino (almost 30 years of continuous public service). He then explained the reasons why he wanted me to be a candidate. He said that the Senate was recreated to imprint more seriousness in the legislative business; that the single chamber system was a failure — many bad laws and poorly prepared laws have been passed by the present Assembly; that with every election the radical elements increase and, after a few more elections, they may get control of the Assembly; and that the Assembly is being infiltrated more and more by irresponsible persons. He proposes to insure with the recreation of the Senate that only good laws will be approved. For this reason, he wanted the members of the New Senate all to be serious and responsible, men who are well known for their accomplishments, men in whom the people will have full trust and confidence. This is the reason why he had included me. I naturally felt very flattered. Nevertheless, I repeated my negative answer. I told him that I had already considered the matter from all angles. He left me in disgust.

I went back to my office happy and contented. I thought the matter was closed. Before that day, I had not consulted anybody in the Marsman Company. After the second conference with Pres. Quezon, I decided to consult with Mr. Benjamin Ohnick, Vice President of Marsman & Co. and the ranking man in the organization since Mr. Marsman was in the United States. Mr. Ohnick was inclined to advise me to accept, but did not want to assume full responsibility. He decided to consult Mr. Marsman since the latter was the one who got me into the organization. He sent a telegram to Mr. Marsman. Mr. Marsman answered advising me to accept. He said that under the circumstances, I could not decline. I was rather embarrassed. I regretted having consulted Mr. Marsman and Mr. Ohnick since I had already declined and the President seemed to have dropped the whole matter. I decided to forget the whole thing.

But a week after my second conference, Pres. Quezon called me again. He curtly told me thus. “I want you to be a candidate.” I answered, “Mr. President, you should have commenced that way. You know that I cannot refuse or disappoint you. When I left the government, I pledged to you that you could call on me at any time. You wished to convince me by argument, and I had given this matter serious thought. Now that you want me to be a candidate, it is decided. I accept,” I noticed that he was very pleased. I left rather depressed.

Two days afterwards, I received a letter from him. He said that he had given further thought to the matter and he was of the opinion that I could not be a candidate without resigning my positions with Marsman & Co. I also studied this angle and I also came to the conclusion that there is an incompatibility between the office of Senator and my positions of Director of Marsman & Co., Vice President of the affiliated companies like the Marsman Building Corporation, Marsman Trading Corporation, Cardinal Insurance Co., Insular Drug, and President of the Coco Grove (a mining company). I was also director of many other affiliated companies like the lumber company, etc. Some of these companies get government contracts and there is a prohibition in the Constitution against members of Congress being interested directly or indirectly in government contracts. But I could not disappoint President Quezon and, on the other hand, the matter had already gone too far for me to withdraw since everybody already knew that I was a candidate.

I told Mr. Ohnick about the new incident. He told me to resign, as indicated by Mr. Quezon, after my election. He said that later, he would make other arrangements that would not violate any laws since he understood very well that I could not afford to give up my income from Marsman entirely as the compensation of a senator could not support my family. I so advised President Quezon.

I was nominated formally by the Convention and elected as Senator. Although I hardly campaigned, I occupied sixth place in a roster of 24. Later, Mr. Ohnik told me that the plan was to appoint me later as adviser or attorney for the corporation which does not fall under the prohibition. In fact, many Senators and Representatives occupy those positions in various companies. But I shall divorce myself from all executive positions.

Those are the facts about my nomination. As may be seen, my candidacy had nothing to do with the non-nomination of Romulo.

June 9, 1945 Saturday

In the morning, we continued working cleaning the premises. In the afternoon, immediately after meals, the same Sergeant who supervised us in the morning came to order us to work. He was very rough, treating us like schoolchildren. We nevertheless were in good spirits and did what he said, dressing up hurriedly to go to work. He kept hurrying us. Mr. Paredes was indisposed and could not go out. Like on previous occasions, somebody immediately volunteered to substitute for Mr. Paredes. The substitute told the Sergeant that he would work for Paredes. However, the Sergeant insisted that Mr. Paredes come down and work. Paredes, weak from fever, approached the Sergeant to tell him that he would not work, citing the Geneva Convention. The Sergeant’s answer was that the Geneva Convention did not matter to him, that all of us had to work. He added that we also had to work tomorrow, Sunday. Paredes answered that he would not work. We heard the whole conversation and we all said that we would not work also. The Sergeant left very angry and immediately came back with Lt. Severance. We were ordered to line up in front of our quarters. There was great excitement; all of the enlisted class were ready and eager to back us. We were expecting hell. Paredes immediately approached the Lieutenant and in a very excited tone, said that we would not work and that our attitude was supported by the Geneva Convention. Turning to the Sergeant, Paredes said, “This guy here is rough and impolite. We will not work unless he is relieved”. The Sergeant was excited also and began muttering under his breath. But the Lieutenant maintained his serenity; he was unperturbed. Finally, he dismissed everyone but told us of the officer class to go back to our quarters where he followed us. We found him very kind and even apologetic. He explained that the Sergeant is an ignorant man; that we did not have to work and much less should we be treated as we were treated. He added that he hated his job here and hoped he would be transferred soon. We were moved by his attitude and explanation. We responded by telling him that we were satisfied with the treatment he accorded us and that we did not mean to offend him. We pledged to him our cooperation.

I was proud and happy. It was a contrast to our attitude of the other day. If we want to be respected, we should show dignity when the occasion arises. We did not bow our heads to a tyrant. Lt. Severance’s attitude restored my confidence in the American sense of fair play. Americans expect us to be frank and sincere. They do not hesitate to apologize once convinced that they are wrong. Lt. Severance proved that good treatment is more effective than any order that can be given. On our part, sportsmanship demanded that the incident be forgotten. The Lieutenant and the Sergeant thereafter became our good friends. They are real Americans.

I am happy that the conflict was satisfactorily resolved. We are charged with being Pro-Japanese, and any trouble started by us may be exploited as an effort to create difficulties for the U.S. military. The most insignificant and innocent act at times is made the motive for oppression or the suppression of privileges.

Tagalog is receiving impetus in the Colony. The non-Tagalogs are making efforts to learn Tagalog. We have various Tagalog poets and speakers. One is Prof. Aurelio Alvero who is one of our outstanding scholars in Tagalog. Others who speak perfect Tagalog are Messrs. Prudon and Narciso Galvez. Tagalog poetry is also receiving proper attention. Many poems which are very good have been submitted. I have some of them. Most of them refer to our present situation. I was carried by the flood and I am now preparing a series of “Salawikain”. I prepare five everyday and I propose to increase the number to 100. I do not just write anything. I am always observing and every time there is an incident from which I can draw something, I prepare the corresponding “salawikain”. So each “salawikain” has an occasion, an incident or story connected with it. At times, my companions thought I had become crazy. Many times I run, grab pencil and paper, and write. This is because I do not want to forget the “salawikain” in my head at that moment.

We have to admit that the propagation of Tagalog has been very slow. Undoubtedly, it is mainly due to the lukewarm attitude of the government. This is caused by the fact that those who are non-Tagalogs, although admitting the necessity of a single national language, do not want to accept Tagalog as the national language for political and regional reasons. During the regime of Pres. Quezon, a strong movement for Tagalog started. However, it was not until the regime of Pres. Laurel that a definite, more determined step was taken. It was declared the official language. A large representative board was created to make its propagation faster. Tagalog was made a compulsory subject in all the schools. Official terms were translated in Tagalog. Use of Tagalog in official correspondence was recommended. In a very short time, its propagation made great progress. Of course the Tagalog films helped a lot. There must be no letup in our efforts to have a national language. There is no doubt that it will help foment a spirit of solidarity all over the Philippines.

But I believe that if we wish to go faster we must simplify the Tagalog language. Alvero’s Tagalog is perfect and is the pure Tagalog. He uses all the correct words and sentences. But I am afraid radical changes such as he proposes will only hinder the growth of Tagalog. There are many words and expressions which are used incorrectly, but at the same time have been thus used since time immemorial. There is no use changing them now. Many of the Visayans with us who were very enthusiastic in learning Tagalog are now giving up. They say they do not understand Alvero’s Tagalog and it would take them years to learn it. Lope K. Santos has done much for the Tagalog language, but at the same time, he has discouraged the study of the language by his coining many words that are hard to pronounce or are not used in daily life so that the people have never heard them spoken. If a word has been generally used, it must be accepted even if it is of foreign origin. If we have imported anything from a foreign country for which we do not have a Tagalog name, let us adopt the foreign name for it. There is no language in the world which has no foreign words injected into it. Baseball came from America; we did not have it; let us retain the name. On the other hand, we must not translate Tagalog words into a foreign language. I still remember an incident when I was in America. An American who had been in the Philippines asked me whether I played the “kick”. I answered that I did not. I told him that the French played it very well. I had in mind the French “Zabat” a game using a form of kicking. He said he didn’t think the French played the game. He said that the “Kick” was a very interesting Filipino game and he stood up and started “kicking” I was embarrassed—he was doing the “kicking” of our game “Sipa”. I told him the game was “Sipa”. “Ah, so it is called ‘Sipa’,” he said. “A Filipino told me that its name is ‘Kick’.”

There are many Tagalog writers in the Philippines each with his own theory on how to speak and write Tagalog. Each insists on his opinion. This divergence of opinion is the reason for the retrogression in the propagation of Tagalog. Non-Tagalogs say that it would be impossible for them to learn the language since the Tagalogs themselves do not agree as to what to learn. If we are really interested in making Tagalog the national language, we must agree on a simple, uniform language. We must give up all personal feelings, sacrifice our personal opinions, and even give up grammatical, phonetic and psychological considerations for the sake of the general good, for the proper formation of a people and of a nation.

Among the detainees is a man by the name of Dr. Lanuza who calls himself Prof. Samari. He was the one I wrote about who during the program hypnotized two men. He is also a fortune teller. All of us had our future told. Mine was encouraging. He said I would live to a ripe old age; that I would again be in politics and may occupy positions other than what I have already held, and that I would also continue as a merchant and be quite successful. I will receive a large sum of money soon. I will be happy with my family. But there are some who are very envious of me—Some of them my very close friends. Although they appear to be supportive of me, the fact is they are secretly working against me. I must be very careful.

Since my arrival, I have been writing almost continuously. I lost all my documents, my writings, my memoirs, and I am trying to reconstruct them. I am very tired.

May 31, 1945 Thursday

Today is a holy day of obligation, Corpus Christi, and we heard Mass.

Upon our arrival from church, there were rumors that more detainees from Manila were coming. At 11 o’clock, an amphibian truck arrived with 35 persons. I could recognize only two—Dr. Gualberto, the Mayor of Rosario, Batangas and Mr. Aurelio Alvero, a young leader. They informed us that thousands are being detained all over the Philippines and that many more will be brought here. I could not help but cry.

I know that those who left the country when the Japanese came or who fled to the mountains are undoubtedly patriots. I am not willing to brand them as cowards, renegades. They complied with their duty towards our country in their own way. I admire them. But we sincerely hope that they too would understand our situation. Not all of us could go abroad or live in the wild parts of our country, either for reasons of age or physical condition, or family. I know of countless persons now under suspicion and detention who were more than willing to leave and continue their patriotic activities either abroad or in the mountains. But what could they do” They could not leave their family behind—their wife and small children. They could not be thoughtless and cruel to their family. But know that deep in their hearts they felt sincere sympathy towards the Americans and true love for their country. Some found ways in which they could be of help to their country, without exposing their lives too much. Many of them were actually caught, tortured, and incarcerated, and some even killed by the Japanese. Many, although working for the government, never failed to do their bit for our country. As a matter of fact, we know positively that more than one half of our personnel were American sympathizers and guerrillas. We knew who they were. We took no action.

Let it be known that we here have never been traitors to our country and that all we did was done in the spirit of service to our people so that they may survive and so that our country may enjoy that for which we are ready to give our very life—her independence.

The newcomers came by airplane—better than the means of transportation given us. We were herded like cattle, loaded in a boat and crammed in a hold (bodega) with no water and very little ventilation.

I need not make a “Who’s Who” of the 35 newcomers. But I would like to say something about five of them. Dr. Gualberto was elected Mayor of Rosario many times. He was Mayor before and during the Japanese regime. When the Americans came he was asked to serve and did serve for 6 days. But the C.I.C. came, investigated him and later arrested him. He related that he was taken to the public plaza. A small section of the plaza was encircled with chicken wire and in the middle of the circle, he was made to sit on a wooden box. He sat there for two days. When he could not stand it any longer, he stood up and walked around. He was punished for that. He was taken to Manila and lodged in Bilibid Prison. His wife and family did not know where he was taken. It took them a month to find him. It is hard to believe that a man who had been chosen by the people so many times to head them was so disgraced and humiliated—exhibiting him like an animal in a public plaza.

Aurelio Alvero, is a master of the Tagalog language. He had been leader of the young people for many years. He organized various associations, one of which was called “Kalturap”. Later, when the Makapili was organized, it was generally believed that he was one of the organizers and one of the leaders of that society. He denies it vehemently. He believes that the impression was created by his association with Pio Duran who he greatly admires. According to Alvero, Duran was sincere and a man of conviction. He sought nothing for himself. He loved his country no less than the most patriotic Filipino. In fact he was admired by everybody who knew him intimately. He honestly believed that the course he had taken was the best means of helping our country. He was never pro-Japanese; as a matter of fact, he was thought to be pro-Chinese. The truth was that he is pro-his-country. He had nothing in his heart but the liberty and welfare of his country. For it, he was willing to sacrifice his life. Alvero continues about Duran: his last act was a great blunder and is regretted very deeply by his numerous friends. He was linked to Benigno Ramos, an ambitious man, wholly unprincipled whose sole aim was to be in power and amass wealth. Ramos organized an Army called the “Makapili” which, according to him would fight against the Americans. Many of them did fight. Duran joined Ramos as his assistant and one of the leaders of the organization. He is reported to be dead. We lost a patriot whose life had been dedicated entirely to the cause of his country.

Mr. Alvero alleges that he disagreed with Mr. Duran on the organization of the Makapili, so they parted ways. Duran continued with the Makapili and he organized a new one called the New Leaders Association. The organization had for its aims: to teach love of country; to propagate the national language; to keep peace and order; and to help the people in the procurement of food so that they may live and survive. Those purposes are indeed praiseworthy.

Col. Alfonso Torillo was a Major in the Philippine Constabulary when the war broke out. When the Constabulary was inducted into the USAFFE, he naturally became an officer of that Army. He was then stationed to Cavite as Provincial Commander. The Army ordered him to retreat to Bataan before the Japanese takeover. But his column was cut off and they had to remain in Cavite. Naturally, he disbanded his force, and like all other officers of the USAFFE, surrendered to the Japanese. The Japanese asked him to rejoin the Constabulary, and at that time refusal to obey was considered a hostile act and consequently meant detention at Fort Santiago. Torillo accepted. He was made Commander of the general service troops in Manila. When the Americans landed in Leyte, he lost no time in deserting the Constabulary and, together with the men in his troop in the USAFFE, joined the guerrillas. He and his men brought with them the weapons they were able to conceal from the Japanese. The guerrillas welcomed him and recognized him as one of them. He took part in various engagements, including that of Norzagaray.

But later, he was arrested by the C.I.C. and now he is here. He must have been the victim of the practice of the C.I.C. of arresting anybody against whom two affidavits have been received. He is now very bitter against the Americans.

In this connection, I notice that the C.I.C. is very slow in sizing up the situation. They do not seem to know that some persons are taking advantage of the situation to denounce and have their enemies arrested. Some make affidavits to cover up crimes they had committed by having possible witnesses imprisoned or even killed. Also, some detainees denounce persons, especially former officials and prominent persons, because they believe that the more important persons are detained, the better their chance of creating public reaction in their favor. They will then have a better chance of being released. The C.I.C. is blind enough not to see such diabolical plan.

Among the newcomers, there are two extremes in so far as age is concerned. One is very old and the other very young. The old man is almost 90 years old—87 to be exact. He has been charged with espionage. Is it possible that this feeble old man could still do some work of espionage? Well, I know that in this world anything is possible, but I think they should pardon him, whatever it is he has done. Let the few remaining years of his life be free from bitterness.

At the other extreme is a boy named Alfredo Camilon, only 14 years old. I was told that in Bilibid there is a 12-year old. Alfredo used to work in an airfield in Batangas together with hundreds of his townmates. According to his story, while walking home from the airfield with two gantas of rice, he was accosted by men who robbed him of his rice, and afterwards accused him of espionage. His father is a paralytic, and he had to be the breadwinner and therefore had never been to school. Could it be possible that this boy was a spy?

A funny, but at the same time tragic, incident occurred. On his first day in camp, Alfredo walked with us to the messhall. The American guard thought he was one of the local boys who sometimes are able to sneak in to mix with us or try to sell us something. He ordered the boy to get out. But then he was told that the boy was one of the detainees. The guard got very mad; he began damning his own countrymen. He said that he could not believe that Americans would do such an absurd and stupid thing.

We noticed that the guards are very eager to learn more about us. At the beginning, they took us for ordinary criminals and we were treated as such. There was one young guard who treated us very roughly. He ordered us around in a most haughty way, using rough and even indecent language. But he has changed. The guards must have found out who we are. They now seem to understand our situation and are as agreeable as possible. They try their best to make us comfortable; we can see that they fully sympathize with us. The officers complain that in spite of the ban, so many things are being brought in for the detainees. In order not to get our friends, the guards, in trouble, we do not tell them that the guards sneak the gifts in.

Sometimes the situation is reversed—they are the prisoners and we the guards. They become very melancholy and call on us to talk to them and cheer them up. They talk and dream of home and the loved ones they left behind. They are homesick. We try our best to help them forget, otherwise they get drunk to drown their sorrows.

Since the newcomers came, we have been with them constantly to get the latest news. They brought with them many newspapers and we have been reading them very thoroughly.

First I asked about Batangas from Dr. Gualberto. He said many towns have been almost completedly destroyed. Very little is left of Lipa, Bauan, Batangas, Lemery and other municipalities. First, the Americans shelled these cities and towns; afterwards, the Japanese burned everything before withdrawing. Thousands and thousands of my provincemates have died from bombings and shellings, and the guerrillas who killed indiscriminately. But the greatest number of casualties was massacred by the Japanese upon their retreat.

My relatives seem to be all safe. My uncle Vicente is alive. So are many of my friends. My cousin Rufo Noble is again the Mayor of my hometown, Taal. I was told that my cousin, Froilan Noble, who disappeared about a year ago, came back. He was arrested by the Japanese and taken to Mindoro. He was reported to have been killed by the Japanese or died from malaria, and we had already mourned him.

In Manila things are getting back to normal, but prices are going up because of shortages of supply. There is also the very serious menace of inflation. I regret that no importance is being attached to this phase of the problem. Rice is already costing a few hundred pesos a cavan. A newspaper article fears that it may go up to the same level as during the Japanese occupation. I worry about what is happening to my family.

The government is not running smoothly. The head, President Osmeña is away and those remaining are confused and lack leadership. The people do not respect them. The most important problems are left untackled.

Some of the newcomers are Ministers Emilio Tria Tirona and Arsenio Luz, Mayor Leon Guinto, Justice Jorge Bocobo. Many more arrive everyday. The American guards remarked that soon they themselves would not be able to enter the crowded prison.

* * * * *

Because of the Madrigal-Aguinaldo incident with Confesor, the Board of Directors of the Philippine Chamber of Commerce was reorganized and Gil Puyat was appointed President. It is a very good selection in my opinion. Puyat is the youngest leader in our business world. He is a successful merchant and when the College of Commerce of the University of the Philippines was reorganized, Puyat was asked to be the Dean of the Institution. His first step was to bring in outstanding or successful Filipino merchants as lecturers on certain phases of business. I was one of those prevailed upon to give lectures on merchandising as I learned it as Vice President of Marsman Trading Corporation. Teaching is not new to me as I began my career as a teacher and for many years I was a lecturer in Political Science in the University of the Philippines. So I would merely be resuming my former activity. The war prevented the carrying out of my new activity.

There is a growing tendency to encourage or create a division between Osmeña and Roxas. From all indications a fight may not be avoided. I am sure their many friends, like myself, would like to intervene to prevent such a thing from happening. Osmeña is now a very old man. He has been a leader or one of the two leaders of our country for generations. He had been our leader until he shared it with President Quezon. The first time I heard of him was in 1907 when I read an article written by an American praising him for the way he organized the new Philippine Assembly. All agree that he is honest and his love for his country is very intense.

Osmeña puts the welfare of his people above personal ambition. I remember that in 1922, his most ardent followers were very disappointed when he settled his differences with President Quezon on the Collectivista-Unipersonalista issue to prevent disunity among the people. In 1933-1934, he entered into an understanding with President Quezon after his defeat on the Hawes-Cutting Act. I was not certain whether the people were behind Mr. Quezon on that issue as the weighty reasons were on the other side. Furthermore, Osmeña was also backed by many young and upcoming leaders, like Speaker Roxas. But he knew what a separation and fight with President Quezon would mean—it would be most prejudicial to the welfare of the people and future plans to prepare our country for an independent life. He withdrew and left the leadership of President Quezon undisputed.

What a beautiful lesson this is for our people and future generations. Personal ambition, everything must be sacrificed for the good of the country. I wish every Filipino would be imbued with that spirit. We would then be a great people. Osmeña makes sacrifice a gospel and preaches it enthusiastically.

In the many elections I have run in, I was defeated only once—that was my second or third fight for Speakership against another great Filipino, Speaker Quintin Paredes. After his election, I made a public statement conceding it, praising him and offering my unconditional support. I stood by my word as I had never worked in the Assembly as hard as when Mr. Paredes was our leader. In a short time, we again had to face each other for Speakership Protempore. This time, I regained my former position. They say the Ilocanos are regionalistic. However, I received almost one-half of the votes from all the Ilocano provinces. A big banquet was tendered in my honor in front of the provincial building in Batangas. One of the speakers was President Osmeña. As usual, he preached unity for our country’s sake. Among other things, he cited my conduct after my defeat by Paredes. He spoke of it in glowing terms, considering it as an act which would foster unity and the stability our country. Osmeña is old now. Many believe that as a fitting recognition of his fruitful career in public service, he should be honored by electing him the first President of the Republic.

Manuel Roxas, a young man, has been in the public eye since 1919. He graduated from the University of the Philippines with honors. He was one of the topnotchers in the bar examination in 1914. He had a good start in life as he immediately went to work for one of our great jurists as private secretary. He was a good disciple, rising in stature in the legal profession. In 1919, his province claimed him by electing him provincial Governor of Capiz. But it soon became obvious that that place was too small—Manila was the field for him. He was elected Representative. His ability was not yet known in Manila at that time. Nobody thought of him for Speaker.

Of all the Collectivista Representatives, I happened to be the only one who was known nationwide. Many representatives talked to me; they wanted to honor me with the Speakership. I well knew that I was not prepared for the task; but then there was nobody else—none of us had any parliamentary experience. I agreed. The Unipersonalistas were composed of formidable debaters and parliamentarians, like Briones. We Collectivistas had the most number of members but we did not have a majority to put up a candidate for Speaker, unless we entered into a coalition with either the Unipersonalistas or with the Democratas. The composition then was about 33 Collectivistas, 28 Unipersonalistas and 22 Democratas.

One evening, President Quezon who was also President of the Senate, invited me out, and to my surprise he took me to Dreamland Cabaret in Cavite. After dancing a little, he talked to me thus:

“Tony, I understand you are a candidate for Speaker.”

“Yes,” I answered.

“Can you get elected?”

“Well, judging from the number of Collectivistas who talked to me, I have a majority.”

“But the Collectivistas do not constitute the majority.”

Here I remained silent because I did not want to tell him a plan that had been carefully laid out by his “enemies”.

Somehow or other it leaked out that the President wanted Roxas to be the Speaker. Plans were afoot to defeat Quezon’s wishes. They had conducted an investigation and found out that I could get a majority among the Collectivistas. A delegation of three Unipersonalistas, headed by Representative Briones came to see me to insist on my continuing my candidacy. They pledged 100 percent support of the Nacionalistas. On the other hand, the Democratas did not seem to favor my candidacy. However, they led me to believe that they would support me.

Returning to the cabaret conference, President Quezon stood up and said:

“Well, I congratulate you. You will be the Speaker. But I will not be President of the Senate.”

“Why, Mr. President?”

“You and I cannot be President and Speaker. We are both Tagalog, and to make it worst, we come from the same district. Unless I can enter into an understanding with Osmeña in the next election, we will be defeated.”

I instantly answered him: “Continue as President. We cannot afford to let you go. I withdraw.”

My friends were very disappointed. They charged me with cowardice and pessimism. I kept quiet. Roxas was elected after several days of deadlock, with the support of both wings of the Nacionalistas. The enemies of Quezon and Roxas, however, did not stop their intrigue against them. During the first days, we had sensational sessions. They always raised points of order to engage Roxas, and they were encouraged, by a third party—the Democratas. Whenever there was such a crisis I was asked to intervene. Many times I had to go around and talk to our friends, sometimes up to midnight, to save the Chair. Finally, Mr. Roxas was sent to America and I was elected Speaker Protempore. He remained there for many months. When he returned, he acquired enough reputation and prestige to ensure full recognition as a national leader. He was not only a brilliant orator, but he also had the courage to fight. He was ambitious and read extensively. In a very short time he mastered parliamentary rules. He could talk and debate on any question, including financial and economic. He had the personality that appealed to men and women—but especially to women who later became a decisive factor in the elections. He is highly patriotic, so when the clarion call of his country sounded, he hurriedly donned his uniform to fight. He is now one of our two outstanding leaders. His leadership is undisputed. He is bound to reach the summit.

Many Filipinos believe that our country will be able to regain the strength sapped by the war if Roxas and Osmeña work hand in hand in solving our serious problems. They wish that the people will allow Osmeña to close his long career of service to his country by honoring him with the Presidency. Roxas is young. He will still be around for many years. If there is any period in our history which requires understanding and unity, it is now. This is perhaps the most critical period in our history. Much of what we do now will bear upon the future prosperity of our country. We are praying for a united front. In this we sincerely offer our assistance, but not in the capacity of leaders but of followers.

Other news: the prices of commodities continue to go up. The necessary action should be taken now to avoid inflation.

The newcomers tell us of how they were insulted and villified at the beginning by our own countrymen—some even threatened to shoot them. In many cases, they did this in the presence of the Americans just to get their favor. Many of us still have a lot to learn—a strike against a countryman causes no more than a laugh and ridicule on the part of the foreigners who see us. Much need to be done along these lines.

December 15, 1944

6:20 a.m. Woke up early to the droning of airplanes and the booming of anti-aircraft guns. Dressed up in haste as there was the presentation of the Kaori resolution to be done.

7:20 a.m. Mr. Manila came to the house for a copy of the resolution.

8:35 a.m. After a breakfast amidst the booming; and noise of air-raids, Pat and I started on my bike for the meeting place of the NLA. The air-raid was in full blast, but we had to go on as we had agreed to meet in spite of the air-raid,

9:20 a.m. I was the first at our meeting place at the corner of Daitoa and Padre Faura. While waiting for the others I met a dark beauty by the name of Aurora lablan. After a minute of conversation with her my companions arrived.

9:35 a.m. We proceeded to the Villamor Hall which was the headquarters of the High Commanding Officer of the Air Corps, General _____________Tominaga. He received us with affability and after counter-reading (?) of the resolution of gratitude and admiration for the exploits of the Kaori Unit, Japanese Special Attack Squadron, he even shook the hands of each and every member of the delegation. The presentation was solemn and particularly significant because of the fact that there was an air-raid when the presentation was being made.

7:45 p.m. I was further delayed by discussing with Mr. Puzi and Mr. Kawa as they were insistent on expanding immediately and I was adamant, on central organization first.

December 11, 1944

3:30 p.m. After completing the itemization of the remaining stock for Mr. Wasizuka I went with Mr. Kawa to Kobe Marine, the buying house of Akatsu Kubatai. Mr. Uta informed us that we need the signature of Capt. Ukamoto at the Kumiyan (?).

6 p.m. Punctually, I was fetched by the Navy car to go to Col. Aoyama’s home for a parley. I explained my philosophy, my ideology for the NLA, as also my plan of objectives, * * * Mr. _______________ and Mr. _______________ as also Col. Aoyama were very appreciative of my plans.