Saturday, October 28, 1972

Vice President Abe Sarmiento looked over a copy of the first draft prepared by the Steering Council. Apparently, the Steering Council already has a first draft of the whole Constitution, only eight days after the golpe.

Adil and Brod Abe summarized the provision which said that the members of the National Assembly would receive a compensation of ₱120,000.00 with other allowances not to exceed three times this amount.

“I was only asking for a salary of ₱72,000 instead of ₱120,000,” Adil said. (He had sponsored this resolution on the floor, but failed to get it approved.) “Plus an allowance of two times this amount. Now, this is three times.” He was exultant.

            Maganda, maganda,” Abe rubbed his hands in glee.

Cesar Sevilla from Leyte protested this would be unacceptable to the people. I joined him, saying that the people would hold the coming assemblymen in contempt in the same manner that they have held our present legislators in contempt, because of their excessive allowances. I told them of Senator Liwag’s suggestion that the remuneration of assemblymen should be limited to the same per diems they have been receiving as delegates.

Adil defended the huge compensation. He said the draft was prepared with the help of Malacañang consultants and of technical experts from Congress. Apparently, it was the feeling of Congress that the salaries and allowances should be increased from its present ₱48,000 plus allowances. But I thought that this huge salary of ₱120,000 plus three times this amount in allowances was adding insult to injury. This would be clearly immoral. In Germany, be it said, the staff allowance of a Bundestag member would provide for the salaries of 2 1/2 secretaries; this is something better than what the members of Parliament in the United Kingdom have for staff allowances which, incidentally, are directly paid to the staff. But what are we now proposing in our poor country, whose GDP per capita is less than 30 times the GDP of West European countries?

“I’m too old to take part in this immorality,” Domi Alonto commented. “Where shall the country get the money to pay for all these?”

Good old Domi. He is a respectable gentleman of the old school.

Delegates by the dozens then rushed towards Adil and Abe. They read and read the provisions amid rejoicing.

Hallelujah! We are going to be rich!

Pedro (Pete) Yap was gloomy.

“Perhaps you made a mistake in leaving the United Nations and coming home to the Philippines?”

I did not anticipate his response: “That’s true.”

He confided that he had thought that while he is still strong he would come back to the Philippines to serve the country. I was surprised to hear that now he regretted having left the U.N. to come back to his country.

Pete Yap is terribly disillusioned. He said he would now welcome working outside the Philippines again.

“I am looking forward to possibilities of working abroad, perhaps, in some United Nations agency,” I confided.

He said he is also thinking along the same lines.

“Ambassador Hortencio (Tensing) Brilliantes had told me in Geneva that you were quite close at the U.N. before.”

Pete agreed. “Perhaps Tensing can help us.”

Brilliantes, in addition to being our permanent representative to the U.N. in Geneva, will soon be ambassador to Bern and accredited to Vienna. He was elected chairman of the UNIDO last year and is now chairman of the UNCTAD. I was pretty sure he could help.

I told Pete I know someone who may be leaving for Bern soon and we could send a letter to Brilliantes through this fellow. He asked me to be sure to let him know. He would like to send a letter. He was serious.

After the session, I gave Nene Pimentel a lift up to Alemar’s. He was, as usual, very warm with me. He said he would, likewise, want to go abroad if possible.

“I could go around the universities in Europe and ask, ‘Would you like a former dean of a law school in the Philippines to handle a course?’,” I kidded him. Before his election to the Convention, Nene was dean of the law school of Xavier University in Cagayan de Oro.

“Or if you are so minded, we could put up a law office…” But Nene Pimentel suddenly checked himself and said, almost with regret: “Oh, but then you are going to join the National Assembly.”

“I don’t think so, Nene.” My voice was firm. “Never!”

Nene looked at me quizzically and smiled.

“I didn’t think you would,” he said gladly.

I went home thinking what a great pity this whole thing has turned out to be. What a mess!

October 19, 1972

scan0038 scan0039


12:30 PM

Oct. 19, 1972


Malacañan Palace


We have been sleeping in Suite I since two nights ago because the allergist, Dr. Kua Lim discovered molds and bacteria in our bedroom and gymnasium below and they are now being cleaned completely.

I have been able to placate the hill tribes, the Palawan Tausogs, the Manobos, the Higanons, the T’boli, the Mansakos etc as well as the Moslems.

We met with the Alontos (Domocao, the delegate, Madki and Gov. Tarhata Alonto Lucman) and the Cotobao Datus, the Sinsuats, the Ampatuans, Kudanding etc.

And started operations PARE under Gen. Aluvete and Chairman Aboitiz of the MDA.

Interview by Richardson of the Australian paper The Age.

And met the delegations led by Gov. Espinosa of Masbate, Gov.   and Congressman Cerilles of Zamboanga del Sur and Cong. Gustilo of Negros Occidental.


Malacañan Palace


Talked to Kokoy on the US situation. Washington apparently for my martial law but not that of Pres. Park Chung Hee of Korea. He does not seem to have any reason for it as he is now negotiating the union of North and South Korea.

Am now working on the labor intensive investments like garments, embroideries and cottage industries.

And the impact infrastructure like the roads and destroyed dikes, irrigation electric & power projects etc.

Finalizing land reform (ownership phase) on the basis of transfer of ownership over land in excess of six hectares.

Saturday, September 9, 1972

Tony Ceniza, a member of my Class ’52 at the UP College of Law, was in a big mood for talking. He belonged to the President Garcia faction which became the nucleus of the Marcos Group in the Convention after the death of Garcia.

Tony told me why Willy Cainglet, who was a staunch member of the Independent-Progressive group in the early days, finally was lost to us. During the campaign for the presidency, Tony had asked Willy to help him in electing President Garcia. However, Willy said he was already then committed to the bloc of Raul Manglapus.

I do remember that Willy was one of those who had looked up to me after our meeting in Zamboanga. He was wavering between staying with Raul or shifting his support to me. If I had met him earlier, he intimated, he would surely have tried to support me instead of Manglapus.

“Never mind,” I had said to him then, “Raul is a man of integrity whom I respect highly and, together with Tito Guingona, we are in coalition.” However, according to Tony, Willy voted the way he did — against the ban-dynasty resolution—because he had felt isolated.

For about a year now, Willy has been feeling that he has been abandoned by the Independent-Progressive bloc. During the election for floor leaders in July of last year, apparently, Willy Cainglet had felt that he was junked by Raul Manglapus’ faction for Mangontawar Guro (who has, like several other Muslim delegates, become a Marcos supporter in the meantime), despite the fact that he, Willy, was senior to Guro in the Manglapus group.

There is a general feeling in the Convention that all the Muslim delegates are pro-Marcos. But there may be exceptions. Michael Mastura (and Sandy Sambolawan) had, until lately, been acting almost like an independent, except that in the ban-dynasty resolution, he had also voted “No.” He is a good man, otherwise, a bright, conscientious young man in many ways. He is a fair hope of our Muslim brethren.

Former Senator Domacao (Domi) Alonto, likewise, is probably not a Marcos supporter and there may be a few other Muslims who are not.

Jun Badoy joined me for some small talk. He said he and Tony Ceniza knew that Tony Tupaz had manipulated my defeat in our pre-Convention primary with Tito Guingona. (The primary was to decide who between Tito and me should be nominated for the presidency of the Convention to run against Presidents Garcia and Macapagal.)

He continued, “Tupaz pretended to be a member of the Independent-Progressive bloc and brought in ten Garcia delegates to vote for Tito and Tito’s lead over you was only six votes. The reason? President Garcia felt you would be a more formidable prospective opponent for the Convention presidency than Tito because you have an ideology.”

I told him I did not think of deserting the Independent-Progressive bloc in spite of my defeat in the primary because I am there not because of any political or personal consideration. I am there for a cause. And I consider Tito a good man, a good friend and a loyal ally.

Jun Badoy expressed some disappointment over the fact that Raul Manglapus, the leader of the largest faction in our group, had supported Bert Misa over him in a committee chairmanship fight. Nevertheless he, like me, has remained a member of the Independent-Progressives because of conviction.

Tony Ceniza came to my desk again and talked to me about the devastating column of Apolonio Batalla in today’s Bulletin in which Batalla has enumerated some 157 delegates as “being moved as one by the invisible hand of Malacañang.” According to Tony, this listing has caused for us the loss of about seven votes on the ban resolution; it made some people waver.

Pete Rodriguez, for example, who had all along been for the ban, did waver quite a bit when the column came out. He could not be called a pro-Marcos man, but then he had thought he might as well vote “No” because, anyway, he was being wrongly dubbed a Marcos supporter. He only changed his vote upon hearing President Macapagal’s speech urging us to vote “Yes.” The appeal of Macapagal for the delegates to reckon with the judgment of history swayed Pete. As Tony Ceniza laughingly said, “Pete Rodriguez decided at the last moment to shift back to his original position and to vote for history.”

Then he said there were two of them who had filed amendments to the ban-dynasty resolution. Actually, according to Ceniza, he was prepared to vote “Yes” on the resolution. He had wanted only one amendment—to change the word “occupy.” He said that the resolution, as worded, could lead to the interpretation that upon the effectivity of the Constitution, Marcos would automatically forfeit his seat.

Jun Badoy and I clarified that that was not the intention, but Tony insisted, “Why risk this interpretation?”

In any case, he said, Samuel (Sammy) Occeña—another one of our bright and sincere members of the Independent-Progressives but who is also somewhat obsessed with raising points of order—prematurely moved for the previous question because he had felt that the chances of winning were good, after that magnificent Macapagal speech. This prevented Tony from presenting his amendment. And so, he voted “No.”

Tony Ceniza surmised that it was Pepe Calderon who had furnished the “list” of the supposed blind supporters of Malacañang to Bulletin columnist Batalla. The list was recklessly long and obviously inaccurate. But could my name be there if that list came from Pepe? I can’t believe it was he who gave the “list.”

“As a matter of fact,” Tony continued nonetheless, “Linda Ampatuan had singled out Pepe Calderon in her speech. And this was brought out clearly in the first series of the Batalla columns.”

Wednesday, February 4, 1970

01 Diary of Ferdinand Marcos, 1970, 0001-0099 (Jan01-Feb28) 68 01 Diary of Ferdinand Marcos, 1970, 0001-0099 (Jan01-Feb28) 69


Office of the President

of the Philippines



February 4, 1970

[Marginal note: Played golf with the Malacañang reporters at 5:00 PM]

1:30 AM

Everything has returned to normalcy. But I feel that the HMB’s with Dante and Ninoy masterminding them are planning some sabotage.

Talked to Ex-Sen. Rodolfo Ganzon and Ex-Rep Raschid Lucman and his wife Princess Tarhata.

I have asked Roding Ganzon to infiltrate the LP. He says that Lopez, Laurel and Osmeña have agreed on an NP-LP ticket in 1973. Osmeña wants to run again and Doy Laurel may be his Vice. But of course Gerry Roxas and Ninoy Aquino want to run as President.

And Lucman I asked to keep peace in Lanao and to placate the Liberals.

Boni Isip, Joe Luckban and Johnny Echiverri saw me. They told me of Joe Maristela and of Ex-Sen Estanislao Fernandez urging the students to attack at Mendiola and plying them with whiskey from a jeep without any number and loaded with whiskey bottles.

I hope to see Rep. Salipada Pendatun, brother in law of Ex. Gov. Udtog Matalam, leader of the Moslem Independence Movement, tomorrow. As well as Ex-Sen. Domocao Alonto and Ex-Gen. Alonto.

We are building pillboxes at the gates and mortar defenses including baffled walls for my gymnasium where we can seek shelter in case of mortar attack.

We have cleared the lawn west of the veranda and ceremonial hall for a helicopter landing this side of the Palace complete with night landing lights.


Office of the President

of the Philippines


We are preparing anti-subversion cases against Arienda and the leaders of the Kabataang Makabayan.

I feel that ultimately we must have a confrontation with the communists in this country. And that their eradication as a threat to our free way of life may be one of my main missions. It is true that if we can keep on delaying and delaying their take-off and cut off their momentum we will ultimately win, but it will be a messy and tedious job. Now we have an opportunity – perhaps the only opportunity to liquidate the movement in one clean sweep – if we plan it well enough.

Thus if there is massive sabotage and an attempt against my life, then I might be compelled to suspend the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus and arrest all the persons in the list of communists.

This will be the total solution to the ideological impasse!